Creating Canadian English: the Professor, the Mountaineer, and a National Variety of English [published 11 July 2019, frontmatter and Chapter 1 ]

Stefan  Dollinger

Praise by Peter Trudgill: "For this brilliantly researched book, Stefan Dollinger bravely ventured to parts of the archives other scholars had never reached. He emerged with the fascinating story of how the "Lennon & McCartney of Canadian English", Walter S. Avis and Charles J. Lovell, persuaded Canada - and then the world - to recognize Canadian English as the distinctive language variety that it truly is." Advance praise by Jack Chambers (University of Toronto): "Stefan Dollinger has undertaken heroic archival sleuthing to resuscitate the coalition of amateur logophiles and English professors that succeeded in bringing Canadian English into print and, more important, into our consciousness. Through him, this small, almost forgotten band of scholars come to life with their foibles, their labours and above all their dedication." Synopsis: "Two fatal heart attacks are among the many reasons why the names of Walter S. Avis and Charles J. Lovell, the Lennon-McCartney of Canadian English, have not become the Canadian household names they should perhaps be. This book tells their stories and those of the other Big Sixers from the 1940s to the 1990s, with a good helping of present-day hindsight. This book also writes into disciplinary history the few women researchers in early 20th-century Canada. The main goal of the book is more generally to enrich and correct the social and linguistic histories concerning some long-forgotten individuals. This exercise is thrilling and enlightening at the same time, presenting the relatively small field of Canadian English linguistics in a new, fully contextualized light, telling the stories of how Canadian English was "discovered" and eventually lifted from ridicule and disdain to — cautious, because Canadian — appreciation."

“Stefan Dollinger has undertaken heroic archival sleuthing to resuscitate Dollinger the coalition of amateur logophiles and English professors that succeeded in bringing Canadian English into print and, more important, into our consciousness. Through him, this small, almost forgotten band of scholars come to life with their foibles, their labours, and above all their dedication.” Creating Canadian Creating Canadian English Jack Chambers, University of Toronto “For this brilliantly researched book, Stefan Dollinger bravely ventured to parts of the archives other scholars had never reached. He emerged with the English fascinating story of how the ‘Lennon & McCartney of Canadian English’, The Professor, the Mountaineer, and Walter S. Avis and Charles J. Lovell, persuaded Canada – and then the world – to recognize Canadian English as the distinctive language variety a National Variety of English Dollinger.9781108497718. PPC. C M Y K that it truly is.” Peter Trudgill, University of Fribourg, Switzerland Stefan Dollinger Stefan Dollinger is Associate Professor at the University of British Columbia’s Department of English, specializing in Canadian English and linguistic border studies. He is author of New-Dialect Formation in Canada (2008), The Written Questionnaire in Social Dialectology (2015), and, of particular interest for the present book, Chief Editor of the Dictionary of Canadianisms on Historical Principles – www.dchp.ca/dchp2 (2017). Cover illustration: aerial photo of the southeastern tip of Vancouver Island, the village of Oak Bay (part of the Victoria Capital Region District), with Tl-chess (Discovery and Chatham Islands) at high tide in the foreground; Sitchanalth (Willows Beach) is on the left, Cadboro Bay – Gyro Beach on the right (Stefan Dollinger, 11 March 2018). Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 1 Creating Canadian English This lively account of the making of Canadian English traces the variety’s conceptual, social, and linguistic developments through the twentieth century to the present. This book is not just another history of Canadian English; it is a history of the variety’s discovery, codiﬁcation, and eventual acceptance, as well as the contribution of the linguists behind it. Written by an active research linguist focussing on Canadian English, this book is an archive- based biography on multiple levels. Through a combination of new data and reinterpretations of existing studies, a new voice is given to earlier gener- ations of Canadian linguists who, generally forgotten today, shaped the variety and how we think about it. Exploring topics such as linguistic descrip- tion and codiﬁcation, dictionary making, linguistic imperialism, linguistic attitudes, language and Canadian identity, or the threat of Americanization, Dollinger presents a coherent, integrated, and balanced account of develop- ments spanning almost a century. stefan dollinger is Associate Professor at the University of British Columbia’s Department of English Language and Literatures, specializing in Canadian English and linguistic border studies. He is the author of New- Dialect Formation in Canada (2008) and The Written Questionnaire in Social Dialectology (2015), and, of particular interest for the present book, Chief Editor of the new edition of the Dictionary of Canadianisms on Historical Principles – www.dchp.ca/dchp2 (2017). Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 2 Figure 1 Early twentieth-century map (1920–23) of Oak Bay and Tl-chess – colonial names Discovery and Chatham Islands (Oak Bay Archives, used by permission) Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 3 Creating Canadian English The Professor, the Mountaineer, and a National Variety of English Stefan Dollinger University of British Columbia, Vancouver Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 4 University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia 314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – 110025, India 79 Anson Road, #06–04/06, Singapore 079906 Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108497718 DOI: 10.1017/9781108596862 © Stefan Dollinger 2019 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2019 Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ International Ltd. Padstow Cornwall A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Dollinger, Stefan, author. Title: Creating Canadian English : the professor, the mountaineer, and a national variety of English / Stefan Dollinger. Description: New York : Cambridge University Press, 2019. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identiﬁers: LCCN 2018057998| ISBN 9781108497718 (hardback) | ISBN 9781108708753 (paperback) Subjects: LCSH: English language–Canada–History. | English language–Dialects– Canada. | English language–Variation–Canada. Classiﬁcation: LCC PE3208.8 .D65 2019 | DDC 427.9/71–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018057998 ISBN 978-1-108-49771-8 Hardback ISBN 978-1-108-70875-3 Paperback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 5 To my most brilliant teachers in Upper Austria, Vienna, Ontario, and British Columbia Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 6 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 7 Contents List of Figures page x List of Tables xii Preface xiii Acknowledgements xiv A Note to the International Reader xvii 1 What is Canadian English? 1 First Nations Beginnings and Canadian English 3 Languages, Cultures, and Reconciliation 7 Canadian English in the Slow Cooker 10 A Very Concise History of Canadian English 11 Speaking and Writing: a Primer 16 Immigrant Spice: the Linguistic Flavour 18 The Bias against Canadian English 20 The Big Six: Face-lifting the Idea of Canadian English 23 “Face-lifting” (Codiﬁcation) in the Big Picture 26 This Book’s Scope: 1940 to 1998 29 What to Expect from this Book 32 2 The Heritage of Canadian English 35 Canadian English, B. L. (Before Lovell) 38 “Godfather” and “Father” of Canadian English 42 Were There Really No Women? The Enigma of Helen C. Munroe 45 Ms Faith Avis 47 Ms Joan Hall 48 The Pioneer Collector 50 Scholar Without Degrees 51 Lovell in Chicago 55 Lovell, the First Canadianist? 57 The Renaissance Man 58 Lovell, the Driven Linguist 61 3 Avis Pulls It Off 65 So Much to Do, So Little Time 66 Webster–Mencken, Lovell–Avis 69 Avis’ Early Years 70 Excellence Made in Ann Arbor 72 vii Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 8 viii Contents Two Workaholics: Lovell and Avis 74 Avis the Dictionary Editor 76 Doing the Legwork 80 Help from the Public 82 The Ailing Chief Editor 84 4 The “Technology”: Slips, Slips, and More Slips 87 Dictionaries Are Written, Not Edited 87 What Is a “Quotation Slip”? 89 Occam’s Razor: the Case of Canuck 97 The Summer of 1958 98 Collecting Data: Sisyphus or Icarus? 101 A Plan for a Dictionary: Lists, Lists, Lists 104 Shipping Slips across the Continent 107 Manuscript Writing à trois 108 Reading for Slips and Glory 110 Tracking Down Beaver Stone to 1696 114 5 1967 – Excitement and Hype 119 Dictionary-project Delays in Five Countries 119 What’s a Canadianism? 121 “Canadianisms”: a Six-tiered Typology 122 The “Centennial Dictionaries” 123 Breaking Foreign Dominance 124 Publishing in the Centennial Year 128 Public and Peer Reception 129 The Business Case 133 Top Secret: DCHP-1 Sales 134 What Was Missing 137 The “New” File: Revision Materials 140 6 Riding the Wave of Success 143 Return on Investment 144 Boom and Bust 145 The Concise DCHP-1: a Business Move 146 What Didn’t Get Finished 150 Moonlighting for the OED: Leechman 1968–1978 152 The Missing Revision of DCHP-1 154 New Chomskyan and Labovian “Schools” 156 Linguistics on the Move 160 7 A Global Village and a National Dictionary War 163 World Englishes and English as a Lingua Franca 164 Cry Wolf: the “Americanization” of Canadian English 165 Lamenting the Similarity of American and Canadian English 167 Linguistic Autonomy (vs Heteronomy) 170 Linguistic Homogeneity (vs Heterogeneity) 171 In Search of the Standard in Canadian English 173 What is Standard Canadian English? 175 The Great Canadian Dictionary War 177 T-shirt-wearing Corpus Linguists and Bow-tied Lexicographers 178 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 9 Contents ix Plagiarizing Lexicographers Always Go Scot-free 182 Don’t Judge a Book by its Cover 183 Counting Canadianisms: the Gage, Oxford, and ITP Nelson 184 No Winners, All Losers 190 Why Not Google Canadian Terms? 191 Take up #9 and “Dictionary Genealogy” 194 8 Decolonizing DCHP-1 and DCHP-2 197 Unwillingness and Refusal 199 Knowledge Gaps: the Canadian Press Stylebook 199 Example 1: from Eskimo to Inuit 201 Example 2: 137 Headwords with Indian 202 Example 3: Residential School 204 Subtler Issues: Treaty Indian 207 One Big Sixer in Alert Bay 210 A Benchmark: Attitudes in the 1960s 214 What’s Next for DCHP-2 , If Anything? 216 9 Is There Really a Canadian English? 219 The “Groundhog Day Loop” of Canadian English 221 Canadian What? Must Be Weird . . . 224 Linguistic Identities and “Ownership” of Language 226 “Gift to the Nation” or the “Narcissism of Small Differences”? 229 What Do Canadians Think? 233 The “Miracle” of Canadian English 235 Why Not Teach it in Elementary School? 237 Tuum est: It’s Up to You 241 Notes 245 Further Reading 256 Bibliography 259 General Index 274 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 10 Figures 1 Early twentieth-century map (1920–1923) of Oak Bay and Tl-chess page ii 2 The staff at Ivy’s Bookshop, Oak Bay Avenue, 12 Jan. 2018 xviii 3 The mystery novel section at Ivy’s xviii 4 View in 1896 from Oak Bay (Gonzales Hill) to Tl-chess (Discovery Island) 4 5 Two totem poles in Victoria, and their plaques 9 6 Pluricentric English (standard varieties and feature overlap) 10 7 Tire centre sign in Vancouver on 2nd Avenue 15 8 Charles J. Lovell, c. 1946 34 9 Helen C. Munroe’s junior-year photo, University of Illinois (1926) 46 10 Faith Avis (far left) and Wally Avis (third from left) at a 1945/1946 Carleton University reception 47 11 Walter S. Avis in 1978 64 12 Info sheet for the reading programme (Scargill, late 1950s) 83 13 The “Quotation File” Room at Oxford University Press, Walton St 86 14 A 1958 quotation on Indian residential school 90 15 Quotation slips for Stickeen from DCHP-1 93 16 Documentation sheets by Lovell (UVic Archives) 102 17 Leechman fonds; the ﬁnal version in www.dchp.ca/dchp1 109 18 DCHP-1 entry for beaver stone; beaver stone on Leechman’s “documentation list” 114 19 Presentation copy of DCHP-1 with slip case 118 20 Overall mentions in the Canadian press of US, CDN, and UK titles 125 21 Major dictionaries’ mentions in the Canadian press, 1977–2012 126 22 A 1970s edition of DCHP-1 and the 1991 reprint 136 23 DCHP-1 PR material; DCHP-1 billed as a Gage centennial project 137 24 Paddy and Olwen Drysdale in their home in Oxfordshire, March 2017 142 x Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 11 List of Figures xi 25 Promotional ﬂier for Gage’s Dictionary of Canadian English series 147 26 Canada–USA border at Stansted, QC (Canada) and Stansted, Vermont (USA) 162 27 The Canada–USA border along “0 Avenue” near Vancouver, BC 166 28 Cool in the Strathy Corpus of Canadian English (1985–2011) 178 29 Puck board (since 1996) and take up #9 ‘go over correct answers’ 193 30 Tl-chess (Discovery and Chatham Islands) at low and high tide 196 31 Legacy entry in DCHP-2 on yellow background with disclaimer 201 32 Entry for good Indian (DCHP-1 Online) 203 33 Entry for go Indian (DCHP-1 Online) 204 34 Entry for residential school (DCHP-1 Online) 205 35 Public mural in Victoria, BC, Pembroke Street 215 36 Yay spelled the Canadian way with “eh”, or Yeah? 218 37 Headline from The New York Times, 29 Nov. 1959: 148 220 38 The phrase “Canadian English”, 1977–1979 to 2015–2017 224 39 Perceived differences in Canadian English, Vancouver 234 40 “Believers” in Canadian English in Vancouver by age group 236 41 DCHP-2 Update, meaning by semantic domain 239 42 Playing shinny in the setting winter sun 240 43 Hayley Wickenheiser stickhandling for Team Canada at the Sochi Olympics 241 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 12 Tables 1 Canada’s ﬁve major immigration waves page 12 2 Dynamic Model phases (Schneider 2007) 27 3 The quotations for Stickeen in DCHP-1 legacy ﬁle 94 4 The six types of Canadianisms in DCHP-2 , plus one non- Canadianism 123 5 Sales ﬁgures for DCHP-1, 1967–1977 135 6 Sales ﬁgures for Concise DCHP-1, 1973–1977 148 7 Count of “Canadianisms” in three Canadian desk dictionaries 186 8 Select items marked “Cdn.” in COD-2 (2004) 187 9 Twenty (of 142) abbreviations marked “Cdn.” in COD-2 188 10 Comparison of entries for take up 194 11 Quotations by year from DCHP-1 quotation ﬁle for treaty Indian 207 xii Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:35 Page Number: 13 Preface The intellectual history of individuals in the ﬁeld of Canadian English is to a considerable degree also the history of the development of linguistics in Canada. This book is based on archival work, retracing and reconstructing the creation of a Canadian variety of English – against the odds – by descrip- tive linguists from the 1940s to the 1990s. A synthesis of new data and reinterpretations of older studies reveal that Canadian English appears to have ﬁnally solidiﬁed as an accepted concept only as late as the 2000s, after a period of prolonged debate. It is hoped that the present account may start a conversation in Canada and perhaps in the ﬁelds of sociolinguistics and English linguistics in general. This is desirable in the light of linguists holding competing beliefs and often making contradictory theoretical assumptions about the nature of language and how it should be studied. The differences in opinion, however, have generally not resulted in increased exchanges redressing incompatibilities, but in the forma- tion of intellectual silos. Any discipline that forgets its past is bound to repeat errors and add some new ones. In the frenzy of linguistic inquiry today, which includes the relentless and sometimes ruthless battle for funding, we have seen more and more ahistorical perspectives taking hold, so much so that the “founders” of Canadian English need to be written back into linguistic history. I have aimed to present a balanced account of the developments over the past eighty years. While I hope that my interpretations will meet with my colleagues’ approval – by and large, at least – I also hope that any disagreements will be constructively discussed in future exchanges. I believe that linguistic ﬁndings should be made widely accessible, which is why the present book has been written with the general-interest reader in mind. It is geared towards anyone with an interest in language and presumes no advance knowledge. Historical interpretations are bound to a given place, time, and interpreter. In this light, this book is more personal than any of my previous linguistic texts. While I strove to keep anecdotes to a minimum – hence the focus on 1940 to 1998 – I also felt that readers ought to know where this book’s language historian positions himself. xiii Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: FrontMatter Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:21:36 Page Number: 17 A Note to the International Reader The use of the term American is in line with Canadian usage: American is always the adjective/noun for the United States; North American refers to both Canada and the USA. Referring to the southern parts of the Americas, we’d use Central, Latin, or South America, respectively. While I use Canadian terminology throughout, e.g. hockey but never ice hockey, I explain every aspect of it – if not in the main text, then in a note. xvii Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:32 Page Number: 0 Figure 2 The staff at Ivy’s Bookshop, Oak Bay Avenue, 12 Jan. 2018 (Shirley – left; Jessica – right) Figure 3 The mystery novel section at Ivy’s (Photos: S. Dollinger, 2018) Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:32 Page Number: 1 1 What is Canadian English? Until quite recently . . . few Canadians were interested enough in their speech to undertake the gigantic task of ﬁnding out about it. Consequently, there were no Canadian dictionaries worthy of the name; and our imported dictionaries virtually ignored Canadian usage. After all, British dictionaries are primarily intended for Britons and American dictionaries for Americans; no reputable editor claims anything more. (Walter S. Avis)1 Murder he must have read often. Professor Scargill was a man who loved English whodunnit novels. From the 1960s until well into the 1990s, Scargill used to get his weekly ﬁx of crime novels at Ivy’s Bookshop, which today is a local Victoria institution in the heart of lovely Oak Bay Village. The friendly staff at Ivy’s remember Scargill, the Yorkshire–Canadian gentleman, habit- ually browsing the mystery section (opposite). Bookseller Shirley St. Pierre tells me that staff knew Scargill as a linguistics professor at the then small University of Victoria, but that they did not fathom his importance as a key ﬁgure in the making of Canadian English – in the creation of a national variety of English, lifting it and its speakers from ridicule and linguistic insecurity to some prominence and pride. The way that Scargill, who was formally Director of the Lexicographical Centre for Canadian English, and his many associates achieved this monumental task was by writing a series of high-quality diction- aries. The ﬂagship of the resulting four-volume series called Dictionary of Canadian English was the scholarly Dictionary of Canadianisms on Historical Principles (DCHP-1 ),2 which was published in Canada’s centennial year of 1967 (Avis et al. 1967). Between the late 1950s and, basically, their deaths – just one of the main players is alive today – Scargill and his team members were continuously banging the drum for Canadian English. They were tooting their own horn, but not primarily for their own sake. Dictionary writing is, surprisingly perhaps, a lot like crime solving. Do you remember Columbo, the detective show with Peter Falk? I know Columbo because it attained a cult status when I was studying in Austria, running in the Sunday 10 p.m. slot for years, long after no other station would buy it. That’s a bit how I imagine Scargill going about establishing the correct etymology of 1 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:32 Page Number: 2 2 What is Canadian English? toque – invariably pronounced “tooke” in Canada – or Canuck: cigar in hand and the like, much like Inspector Columbo. It’s not really how Margery Fee, our team, and I proceeded half a century later on the second edition, but the basic Sherlock-Holmesian principles have remained unchanged: data, data, and more data; facts; plausible chains of events; historical knowledge; linguis- tic knowledge; logic; and a good helping of Occam’s razor as explained in Chapter 4. These are the eternal tools of the word sleuth. So far in the story, people are usually with me. I tell them about what I did this past dozen years, at least some of the time, and they get it: writing a dictionary. Boring, perhaps, because folks know what a dictionary is. But “Canadian English”? This phrase people often repeat after me with a little bewilderment and usually, if not always, a rising intonation, as if to question whether such work could possibly be a real job. Their ﬁnal intonation gets particularly raised if they detected the colourful notes in my English accent. So what, then, is Canadian English? By Canadian English we mean the English language as used in Canada. Canadian English is therefore not a monolithic thing but an assembly of the varieties of English that are spoken, written, texted, dreamed, and occasionally sung in the country. Later, I will introduce a more technical deﬁnition of what Canadian English is – or, to be precise, what Standard Canadian English is, which is the English we hear from George Strombolopolous, Canada’s news anchors, the prime minister, Avril Lavigne, and Shawn Mendes, for the most part. But for now the very loose deﬁnition provided will do. When it comes to language in Canada, English is just one of many languages, of course. Besides French, the other former colonial language in the federal domain, English is only 1 of at least 263 languages spoken in the country.3 English is the most widely used language in the country, but there are quite a few oddities about English in Canada that we will need to explore later. About 60 of the 263+ languages are the languages of the original population of Canada. I say “about” because it is not universally agreed upon what counts as a particular language and as a dialect of a given language. This should not be surprising, as the concept of language is paradoxically not so much a linguistic one as primarily a social one.4 Like all things social, the concept of language is subject to debate and as many opinions as there are colours in the rainbow. Where scholars do agree, however, is that the ﬁve dozen or so aboriginal languages are divided into no fewer than ten language families,5 and some ﬁfty of them are spoken in the province of British Columbia (BC) alone. This is one reason why some researchers think that BC is something like the cradle of Indigenous languages in (northern) North America, as it is possible that the rest of the (northern half of the) continent was settled, via Asia, from BC. This was long before the Europeans made a showing with their Indo-European languages, which they turned, through their actions, into colonial languages. The linguistic diversity of BC is indeed special in the North American context. Picture this diversity in comparison with the European Union, which Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:32 Page Number: 3 First Nations Beginnings and Canadian English 3 is often taken as the epitome of linguistic tolerance and multilingualism in western culture. One can quickly see that more than twice as many Indigenous languages are spoken in BC, a Canadian province of just 5 million inhabitants (Jan. 2019), as in the European Union, a 512-million-strong economical unit, with twenty-four ofﬁcial languages at present. English is also, it needs to be said at the outset, the offshoot of the language of the most “effective” colon- izers. This “efﬁciency” has brought a number of negative effects that anyone living in Canada is still confronted with today. This far-reaching fact means that we need to consider the consequences of colonization, in particular by English-speaking colonizers, throughout the entire book, in one way or another. It’s therefore a good idea to start with the basics before we turn to the story of the making of Canadian English. First Nations Beginnings and Canadian English The problems that are the result of colonialism are linguistic, cultural, and social – in other words, they affect every area and cut through every aspect of life. If you live in Canada, whether you’re aware of it or not, you’re without exception affected by this colonial legacy. Flashback to just a century before Professor Scargill’s browsing in the crime-novel section at Ivy’s. Residential schools had not yet established their steady grip on the First Nations peoples in the far west. Residential school is a historical euphemism for colonial schools whose primary goal was to “take”, by any legal and illegal means, “the Indian out of the child”, resulting in cultural genocide that almost completely wiped out entire Indigenous cultures and languages. These institutions were nothing other than inhumane places of neglect, terror, and abuse: anything but places of learning. In 1897, a century before Scargill’s death, a host of First Nations languages would have been heard in the meadows, woods, and soft slopes through which Oak Bay Avenue cuts today. While English – by which we mean forms of British English, some American English, with some speakers starting to show early Canadian English features – would have been ﬁrmly rooted by then, the Indigenous languages that had been exclusively heard for thousands of years in this land were still dominant in some locations. The ﬁrst sizeable in-migration of settlers happened in the wake of the Fraser River and Cariboo Gold Rushes of the late 1850s and 1860s; before then, the settlers were outnumbered by and depended on the goodwill of the First Nations. Migra- tion from the Canadian East in considerable numbers only occurred after the completion of the trans-Canadian railway in 1885, a generation after the big BC Gold Rush. The First Nations languages of the region are the languages of Coast Salish peoples. Today these languages are frequently called Salishan, to distinguish them from their linguistic relatives of the same name in Eastern Washington Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:32 Page Number: 4 4 What is Canadian English? Figure 4 View in 1896 from Oak Bay (Gonzales Hill) to Tl-chess (Discovery Island) (Photo: Oak Bay Archives, Image number 2012–001-018, used by permission) State (Salish languages). The languages in and around Victoria belong to an extensive array of Salishan and upriver varieties that are quite closely related. It would be any dialectologist’s or sociolinguist’s dream to study these languages and their relationships, yet most of them are either sleeping – what used to be called dead – or on the brink of extinction with only a handful of native speakers left. (In linguistics today, we prefer the term sleeping lan- guage over dead language – by which is meant a language awaiting revital- ization based on archived material. Revived languages include Modern Hebrew and, in fact, the Musqueam language that is now taught to dozens of people at the University of British Columbia.) Ivy’s Bookshop is located on traditional Chilcowitch territory, referring to the family or “band” of Songhee Lekwungen speakers that are the traditional custodians – in western parlance, “owners” – of that part of Oak Bay. The Chekonein Lekwungen dialects would be heard as well, in addition to nearby Esquimalt Lekwungen and Saanich Lekwungen dialects.6 Indigenous heritage is written all over Oak Bay and Greater Victoria – all across Canada, actually, yet we have forgotten much about it. The islands off Oak Bay, for instance, are in plain sight of Willows Beach, a popular Victoria location that is visited by many locals and visitors alike. When you look out to sea from Willows Beach, it’s impossible to miss them. This book’s cover photo shows the islands in the foreground. They have a story that is not so widely known, however, and today the two biggest ones are still most often Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:32 Page Number: 5 First Nations Beginnings and Canadian English 5 referred to by their colonial names of Chatham and Discovery Islands, named after Captain Vancouver’s two ships. The real name, from the local Lekwun- gen dialect of Salishan, is of course another one – so much so that it looks different at one glance: ƛ̕čés. This word may be transcribed in English letters as something like tl-chess, which is pronounced close to til-chess with stress or emphasis on chess. ƛ̕ čés is an interesting case because it is a particular place name in Lekwungen culture but also the general word for ‘island’ – any island. Tim Montler from the University of North Texas, one of the experts in Coastal Salish informs us that ƛ̕ čés is both the word for ‘island’ and the proper name of Discovery Island in Lkwungen, SENĆOŦEN (spelled ṮĆÁS), and in Klallam, which has a direct relative [a so-called “cognate”], ƛ̕čás. The word for ‘island’ in Hul’q’umin’um’ [spoken from Saanich to Nanaimo and over to the southern Gulf Islands] is not [related], but it is in Upriver Halkomelem [Fraser Valley, Chilliwack, Harrison Lake], tl’chá:s, which has no proper name for Discovery Island. Other smaller islands have their own names and the generic word used is typically the diminutive of ƛ̕čés, ƛ̕əƛ̕éčəs. (Tim Montler: pers. correspondence, April 2018) The non-colonial, actual name for the island reveals an astonishing amount of cultural knowledge and the connections via the Salish Sea among the Coast Salish First Nations. Why, for instance, is one island’s name in the Lekwungen language also the word for ‘island’ in general? It is as if it were a kind of archetypal island, as Tim suggests. Part of ƛ̕čés is today legally known as Chatham Islands Indian Reserve No. 4 and still owned by the Songhees and Esquimalt First Nations.7 Having largely remained in Native hands, ƛ̕čés – which from now on I shall render as Tl-chess to help readers remember it8 – is sadly a rare exception to the rule of colonial land grab on more or less outrageous terms, if any terms were offered. It is a sad fact that British Columbia as a province has been exceptionally intransi- gent in refusing to negotiate treaties, which means that almost all lands were seized illegally from their Native custodians (see Mawani 2009; Barman 2007). Today, we also have good evidence that even disease, against which the First Nations had no immune response, was used as a means of conquest (Swanky 2012: 70–97). As the legal names make clear in almost all cases, it was the colonizers who bestowed their names on everything, which had, among other things, the effect that even today it is not easy to unearth the traditional, original names. Although the land was usually taken from the First Nations by force or, less often, by some sort of shady agreement, on Tl-chess the original custodians managed, against all odds, to hold on to it until this day. Who are the Songhees, then? (Today we usually speak of the Songhee, Saanich, and Esquimalt First Nations.) Chief trader Charles Ross, put in charge of Fort Victoria by Governor James Douglas, appears to be the ﬁrst to spell Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 6 6 What is Canadian English? Songhees in 1844, when he referred to the aboriginal people “encamped near the fort” and added “whose lands we occupy”.9 Prior to this spelling being standardized in English, the name had many variants, including Songish, Samose, Stsamis, Tsomass, Tchanmus, or Etzamish, depending on which Coastal Salishan dialect speaker’s version was rendered in English and by whom. For the people as such, spellings were utterly irrelevant, as their tradition was predominantly oral, with spelling questions playing no role whatsoever. So by asking about the “right” spelling, we are already enacting colonial routines and expectations on another culture that had more important things to deal with, such as the co-existence with nature, sustainability, and fostering respect for all things, living or not, but deﬁnitely not with spelling. There are two contracts between Governor James Douglas and the Songhees that are relevant for the land that the village of Oak Bay is located on, though the interpretation of the vague terms is not agreed on. How could it be? The territories were partly overlapping and somewhat ﬂuid, as was the make-up of families. On that, James Douglas tried to tease out deﬁnitions for his western- style contracts that did not exist; asking for boundaries, he got descriptions that had worked for centuries but that were not the down-to-the-inch measure- ments he wanted to hear. It is like ﬁtting square pegs into round holes: the exercise was bound to fail and we are living with its negative ramiﬁcations to this day. The “Purchase of Land” from the Chilcowitch, dated 30 April 1850, is one of fourteen treaties that James Douglas signed between 1850 and 1854. Collectively, they cover only a minuscule part of BC’s vast landmass. In the Chilcowitch case, the Crown agreed to pay “Thirty pounds sterling” for the treaty that includes the location of Ivy’s Bookshop. While the Chilcowitch Lekwungen agreed to share some of their lands, the alleged surrendering part is overly explicit, as they do consent to surrender, entirely and for ever, to James Douglas, the agent of the Hudson’s Bay Company in Vancouver Island, that is to say, for the Governor, Deputy Governor, and Committee of the same, the whole of the lands situate [sic] and lying between the Sandy Bay east of Clover Point, at the termination of the Whengwhung [sic] line to Point Gonzalez, and thence north to a line of equal extent passing through the north side of Minies Plan. What is less clear is the purchase price beyond the 30 pounds sterling – a bargain, truly, though it was not even paid in coins, but merely in blankets. And here it comes: for the entire lands in the Victoria region 371 blankets were paid.10 I would call that a rip-off. What comes with that purchase is stated in the next paragraph: The condition of or understanding of this sale is this, that our village sites and enclosed ﬁeld are to be kept for our own use, for the use of our children, and for those who may follow after us; and the land shall be properly surveyed hereafter. It is understood, Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 7 Languages, Cultures, and Reconciliation 7 however, that the land itself, with these small exceptions, becomes the entire property of the white people for ever; it is also understood that we are at liberty to hunt over the unoccupied lands, and to carry on our ﬁsheries as formerly.11 Any western lawyer would object to such formulation of beneﬁts, “for ever” or not, which includes a diminishing resource in hunting over “unoccupied” land. It is clear that the Lekwungen could have no idea of just how many “white people” would come and how little land would eventually be left. It was not communicated to them. So many would come that soon nothing would be left “to hunt over”. The dice were heavily loaded against the First Nations. Speaking of “small exceptions”, for instance, can easily be used to reduce the size of reserves later on; after all, small is relative. What is clear is that “the content of that treaty is not at all clear”.12 What makes matters worse is that the treaty above was only agreed on orally, together with most other ones on Vancouver Island. Douglas collected the signatures and marks of the chiefs on a blank sheet of paper and, after consultation with London a few months later, ﬁlled in the sheet post hoc (ibid.: 5). Any lawyer at the time would have argued that a people cannot sign away their land with a carte blanche, an empty slate of conditions, to be ﬁlled in post hoc unilaterally by only one party. Clearly, informed consent was not given. Languages, Cultures, and Reconciliation Recent research at the University of Victoria’s Faculty of Law states that what the First Nations thought they’d signed was a sharing agreement, not a treaty handing over land in perpetuity; the former is fully in line with traditional practices and Indigenous lines of thought. Such misunderstanding had pro- found consequences; as it was both culturally and linguistically caused, it calls for reconciliation. The First Nations evidence is clear. The oral traditions of the ﬁve participating First Nations on 30 April 1850, in combination, provide a strong denial of the cession or surrender of their land in favour of the HBC [Hudson’s Bay Company] or the Crown. The pieces of the puzzle contributed by each account add up to a convincing argument that the oral agreements included the following terms: compensation for land already occupied and resources previously harvested by non-First Nation residents; continuation of the terms of their existing joint occupation and enjoyment of land and resources; and, agreement to negotiate expansion of non-First Nation establishments and activities, provided it did not interfere with the existing way of life of the First Nations. In sum, the First Nation negotiators likely agreed to share, not surrender, their land and its resources. (Vallance 2015: 361) While the Lekwungen and others came to sign a sharing and joint occupation contract with the Hudson’s Bay Company for the beneﬁt of all – the typical Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 8 8 What is Canadian English? win-win that is so deeply rooted in First Nations culture – the Crown con- sidered James Douglas to be signing a treaty and they probably thought, in line with early capitalist culture, that they’d won. What is beyond doubt is that two very different cultures signed a contract in very concise English, laying out neither western assumptions, rights, and obligations nor Lekwungen assumptions, rights, and obligations. At that time, the First Nations were still more powerful than the settlers, yet they agreed to share a part of the land in exchange for some goods and services. As they were soon to ﬁnd out, the “contract” would come to haunt them, with their original intention distorted and interpreted to their disadvantage. We can see what western culture brought to the table. The story about pretty much all of Oak Bay – with the exception of Tl-chess – is the sad story of how western legal traditions exploited the trust of First Nations in British Columbia and in Canada more generally. The English language as used in Canada has enshrined many western misunderstandings of both the land and the culture the colonizers had burst into. It begins with the naming. Virtually all First Nation names known today, for places, ﬂora, fauna, and people, have been replaced with western names. Take, for instance, Chatham and Discovery Islands, which are in reality not two islands but just one. What happened? They were named in 1846, when the western portions of the Canadian–US border were ﬁnalized, in honour of colonial explorer George Vancouver, who had sailed these waters brieﬂy half a century earlier. The surveyors who named them saw what they thought were two islands. What they didn’t know was that they saw two parts of one and the same island at high tide. (You can see it in the foreground of this book’s cover, with Willows Beach behind it and towards the left.) We can safely assume that they were so busy surveying in the name of colonization and exploitation that they just didn’t care to ask any First Nations member, who would have told them that they were looking at one and the same island. This little example is a good illustration of how colonial eyes, and with it English and Canadian English, often construct the world differently from those who really know.13 This upsetting legacy is part of the history of every (former) colonial language and needs to be dealt with. We will address this difﬁcult aspect of linguistic “baggage” throughout, but with more focus in Chapter 8. It would be wrong to say that colonialism is a thing of the past, as its legacy is everywhere in one form or another. Consider the two totem poles in Figure 5, both found in Victoria and both commissioned by non-Indigenous people. In terms of awareness of the colonial processes, the plaques indicate some progress between 1966 and 1997, when the two poles were erected. It is striking that in the 1966 plaque (left), the donor of the log was given ample space and acknowledgement: “Log donated by Macmillan, Bloedel and Powell Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 9 Languages, Cultures, and Reconciliation 9 Figure 5 Two totem poles in Victoria, and their plaques (Photos: S. Dollinger, 2018) River, Limited” – a company that in effect took the pole from lands seized from the First Nations. The 1997 plaque does much better, using Native names and Lekwungen language, but offers no contextualization, which, however, might have been a deliberate choice.14 Today, more than twenty years after the second pole was erected, we might be in the position to offer more than symbolic improvements, which means legal settlement of the illegal Canadian land grab from one or two centuries ago. Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 10 10 What is Canadian English? StBrE StCanE StAmE social variation regional variation (Western) North America English dialects legacy UK features American dialects Figure 6 Pluricentric English (standard varieties and feature overlap) (Dollinger in press: ﬁg. 1) Canadian English in the Slow Cooker There are different types of Canadian English. There is Standard Canadian English, the type we teach in schools and the equivalent to Standard British English,15 Standard American English, Standard Australian English, and so forth. A long time ago there was only one “standard English”, but since about 1800, beginning with the political independence of the United States, the idea of just one standard in the language is a thing of the past. English has since been a “pluricentric language” (Clyne 1992), meaning that there is more than one linguistic centre and standard. Language is co-determined by a host of social and regional (= location) features. The relationship between the standard varieties of English can be illustrated by expanding a classic pyramid that schematizes social and regional variation in language. The pyramid was originally published in 1974 by Peter Trudgill, one of the most famous linguists today. In Trudgill (1974: 42), the situation for English society is visualized, which has served as a direct input for Standard British English (StBrE) depicted in Figure 6 on the left. As a rule of thumb, the socially upwardly mobile and higher social strata speak the standard variety – in this context, Standard British English – while lower classes often speak more regional varieties. Note that standard refers to phonology/phonetics (the sounds of the language) as well as all other levels: syntax and morphology (often called grammar when combined), pragmatics (how language is used in concrete contexts), and more, such as spelling, etc. But there is more than standard and non-standard, as linguistically very interesting, intermediate, mixed forms exist. Do you know the Naked Chef? How does Jamie Oliver, the Naked Chef, speak, precisely? Standard or not? Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 11 A Very Concise History of Canadian English 11 You’ll ﬁnd his speech best characterized as some new in-between variety that some call “Estuary English”, after the banks of the River Thames. (In German, such intermediate variety has been quite common; it is called Umgangs- sprache, meaning “colloquial language”, and is the most frequently used kind of German.) Is British English developing a less formal standard, for lack of a better word, now? We need to revisit the question in a generation or two, but it looks as if it is. Returning to the question of standard varieties, the introduced principles will lead us to make sense of the jungle of linguistic variation. As the schematization in Figure 6 shows, there is overlap in each of the three depicted Englishes: British, Canadian, and American. While there is more overlap with American and Canadian than with British, overlap is present in all. Each variety has its own standard represented by the peaks, while less standard forms are found farther down the pyramid. Besides Standard British, Standard Canadian, and Standard American English that are depicted in Figure 6, the graph could be extended with Standard Australian and Standard Jamaican English and many more Englishes [sic]. Because of this, we say that English is a pluricentric language, meaning it has more than one norm, just as is the case with German, Spanish, Portuguese, and many more languages (see Muhr et al. 2013 for an overview). In contrast to the two national standards of the more powerful nations of the USA and the UK, Standard Canadian English is spoken by an astonish- ingly large portion of the Canadian society: close to 40 per cent of all Canadians – from a total of some 38 million speakers – use that Canadian standard habitually. That this ﬁgure is remarkable can only be seen in com- parison to the other national standards. Standard British English, for instance, is spoken by “probably not . . . more than about 15 per cent of the population of England”.16 For Standard American English no reliable estimates exist, but in all likelihood the US percentage would be situated somewhere between the UK and the Canadian values. Perhaps it’s 20 or 25 per cent. For some reason, no linguist has yet put a ﬁgure on it. Indirectly, as we move along, we will explore possible reasons for the surprising fact that no American estimate seems to exist. A Very Concise History of Canadian English As this book is a biography of the makers of Canadian English and their time, we cannot discuss the development of the linguistic features of this national variety without going beyond the bounds of this book. That is not a big problem today, however. Fortunately, for the past decade or so we have had a number of texts added to the very young ﬁeld of historical Canadian English. There is Chambers’ (2010) introductory text; Chapter 2 in Boberg’s book Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 12 12 What is Canadian English? (2010: 55–105) stands out in sociohistorical detail. Dollinger (2008a) was the ﬁrst monograph on early Canadian English, using eighteenth- and nineteenth- century data from Ontario; Reuter (2017) is a recent addition on early news- paper language in Ontario, while Tagliamonte (2013) traces grammatical features in Canada back to Scotland, Northern England, and Ireland. More recently, work on Victoria English and Manitoba English has begun. Even the pragmatic marker like is traced back in time in Canadian English (D’Arcy 2017) and there is, of course, a wealth of information on Newfoundland English (start with Clarke 2010). A recent summary of work on historical Canadian English is available in Dollinger (2017a), while both Schneider’s and Trudgill’s approaches are discussed for their strengths and weaknesses in the Canadian context in Dollinger (2015a: 200–208). It seems a good idea at this point to provide a developmental sketch of Canadian English, the variety we are dealing with throughout this book. As a linguistic variety that developed in a settler colony (see Denis and D’Arcy 2018), Canadian English has come about through dialect contact (different dialects of English combine and form a new one) and language contact (English takes up inﬂuences from other languages). These mixing processes are followed by the formation of a new variety per se; this is called the new- dialect formation or koinéization process. We can organize the immigration that shaped the variety over the past three centuries in ﬁve waves, as shown in Table 1. Ontario plays a central role in the settlement of the country. While the Maritimes received a good number of English speakers early on, they did not become the pivot point for the settlement of the west, which happened from Ontario. Accepted opinion is that the ﬁrst wave of immigration, which was almost exclusively composed of US immigration in the wake of the American Revolution in 1776, was respon- sible for establishing the basic character of Canadian English. Bloomﬁeld (1948) called this scenario the Loyalist Base Theory, named after the United Table 1 Canada’s ﬁve major immigration waves 1776–1812 Wave I American immigration (United Empire Loyalists) 1815–1867 Wave II British and Irish immigration (“British Isles”) 1890–1914 Wave III Continental European immigration (Germany, Italy, Scandinavia, Ukraine) and British immigration 1945–70s Wave IV Highly diverse immigration populations, including Post World War II from Europe, Asia (Korea, China, Vietnam, India, Pakistan), Latin America, and the USA 1990s–Present Wave V Diverse immigration continues, with Chinese immigration now peaking (Dollinger 2015a: 205, table 6.9), after Chambers (2010: 12–19, 28–32) Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 13 A Very Concise History of Canadian English 13 Empire Loyalists leaving the newly founded USA for Canada. Between the 1780s, when Ontario was bush land, and 1812, about 1 million people, four- ﬁfths of them from the USA, moved to what is now Ontario. There was a sprinkling of Scots who came early and held important posts, as they were often literate because of their advanced school system; German, Dutch, and some other European nationalities complete the mix (Dollinger 2008a: 67–76). French speakers were the majority in the province of Quebec, but usually not, with the exception of the Catholic clergy, in positions of power. Besides all of this, east of the Maritimes on the island of Newfoundland were – aside from the local First Nations, of course – speakers of English, French, Spanish, and Portuguese, who, from the sixteenth century, carried out a summer ﬁshery and returned in the fall to Europe. In the late eighteenth century, the English and Irish speakers eventually decided to settle in what would remain an independent colony until 1949, when Newfoundland and Labrador joined the Canadian Confederation. An Irish component is very strong to this day in parts of Newfoundland and an essential part of the heritage. With permanent colonization, the settlers developed varieties of English that they formed and developed from Southwest England and South- east Ireland varieties. Newfoundland Englishes represent to this day, despite inﬂuence from the mainland, a unique set of varieties that are Canada’s most distinct linguistic enclave varieties (see Clarke 2010). Newfoundland Englishes are so unique that an entire academic research unit has been studying them, and nothing but them, for more than sixty years, and is still going strong. In the Canadian context, however, the Newfoundland varieties have not had much inﬂuence on the formation of Standard Canadian English, as a result of location, settlement streams and, important in new-dialect formation, numbers of speakers. Before we move on to describe what came to be the dominant speech patterns in Canada, a word or two is necessary on Maritimes English (from New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island) and the Atlantic Englishes (from the Maritimes and Newfoundland). Atlantic Englishes are older than the varieties that would come to dominate later in Canada by virtue of speaker numbers. Historically and linguistically, however, they are immensely important in the Canadian context. If you travel to the Maritimes or to Newfoundland and you poke around a bit – i.e., go off the beaten tourist path – you’ll be able to hear the unique Eastern Canadian patterns of speech, whether in Acadia (where French varieties and English co-exist and intermin- gle, as graduate student Kristan Newell (2019) has been researching), Lunen- burg (founded by Germans in 1749 who left a trace of German substrate), Halifax (the capital of Nova Scotia), Saint John (the ﬁrst city in New Bruns- wick), St John’s (Newfoundland’s capital), or, certainly, in Gander, Patty Harbour, and Carbonear (all in Newfoundland). This aspect is often forgotten Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 14 14 What is Canadian English? in the big sea of millions of Canadians, who, due to a change in economical and political fortunes starting in the nineteenth century, often no longer have signiﬁcant ties with the historically important Canadian Atlantic provinces. We can see Canada is a beautifully complex place. If one aims to generalize the immigration to Canada, however, it might be summarily captured as in Table 1. Wave II followed in the wake of the War of 1812, when British subjects were brought in to rid Britain of its demobbed soldiers after the Napoleonic wars, and of its paupers, the ﬁrst victims of the early Industrial Revolution. The idea was also to “dilute” the American base, which was – unjustly – suspected of potentially being disloyal towards the British Crown if hostilities with the USA were to break out again. The Irish came late in that period but in great numbers as of the late 1830s. Scargill (1957) identiﬁed this “swamping” with British Isles speakers (from Britain and Ireland) as the second important input to Canadian English. The British Isles immigrants were from non-southern locations in Britain and more than 90 per cent of them were probably non-standard speakers (Dollinger 2008a: 83). Tagliamonte (2013: 195–213) shows some of the present-day reﬂexes of Irish and non-standard British English in rural and urban Ontario English and re- focusses on the Atlantic link that was at the base of The Linguistic Atlas of the United States and Canada in the early twentieth century. The British Isles migrants’ strong numbers were responsible for foreground- ing linguistic variables of British descent that speakers can consciously manipu- late. In total, 1.25 million British immigrants came between 1815 and 1865 (Dollinger 2008a: 79). With them, they brought features such as schedule with a sh sound, ﬁll in a form rather than ﬁll out a form, tap instead of faucet, colour vs color, centre vs center, and ﬁrst person shall instead of will for the future tense – all of which gained wide currency as the prestige forms in Canada. But the large numbers of British Isles migrants from 1815 to 1867 were not nearly enough to change the basically North American character of Canadian English. Walter Avis, whom we’ll hear lots about in Chapters 2 and 3, used to make the point in his teachings (reported in McConnell 1978: 47) that, in American English, tire is the dominant spelling, but tyre in Britain. In the USA, of course, center is the standard form today, while in Britain it is centre. What do Canadians do? As Figure 7 shows, Canadians combine the originally Ameri- can tire with British centre and create something of their own. We just don’t see it so often today, with brand names having taken over since the 1960s – Fountain Tire, Kal Tire, OK Tire, even Big O Tire, and the like – but Figure 7 is a photo from a Vancouver shop that meanwhile has given way to – you guessed it – more condominium housing in that city. Today, there is a wide range of features that is characteristic of Canadian English. Vocabulary is only one – but an important and the most pervasive – part. Canadian English also sounds a little different, uses grammatical forms in Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 15 A Very Concise History of Canadian English 15 Figure 7 Tire centre sign in Vancouver on 2nd Avenue (Photo: S. Dollinger, 2014) different proportions than down in the USA and, very strikingly so, sometimes employs the same linguistic material in different ways in terms of politeness and language use more generally. It’s impossible to introduce these features, many of which are very subtle, in the few words we have space for in this book. But to give you an idea, here is a short list of phonetic (sound) features that are found in Canadian English, often in contrast to the US dialects: ! a phenomenon called Canadian Raising, which is the “oot and aboot” pronunciation of out and about that is different from most places in the USA ! the Canadian Vowel Shift, now also found in California and other places and spreading quickly,17 making dress sound more like “drass” and a host of related changes ! the pronunciation of “foreign a”, which is the a in original loan words, such as pasta, drama, Iraq, or Stefan, where the a is usually pronounced “a” as in cat in Canadian English, rather than “ah” as in father. The effects of the subsequent immigration waves, Waves III to V, are import- ant. They have added a lot of spice to what might have been a less exciting linguistic broth. Of what we know now, the effects of these waves have been Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 16 16 What is Canadian English? limited to cultural items, often loan words for various kinds of foods and other concepts. But we have started to look beyond such obvious features of language contact and have begun to explore how such interesting cultural mélanges is expressed linguistically and constructed and negotiated in the moment of speaking (e.g., Hoffman and Walker 2010; Hinrichs 2015, 2018; Boyd, Hoffman, and Walker 2015). Speaking and Writing: a Primer In our introduction to basic linguistic concepts, we next need to reﬂect on the roles of speaking vs writing. The overwhelming majority of writing in English happens in the respective national standards, while, in speaking, non-standard varieties have a very important part to play. The distinction between speaking and writing is important, because before 1700 standard generally referred to written English. In British English, we can still see some of that limitation, as you can speak Standard British English with a wide variety of accents (the Queen’s or an upper-class accent, or with a Scottish accent – think Ewan McGregor – or with Jamie Oliver’s trendy London-inspired accent). While the notion of a written English standard is old and goes back to the Old English times of King Alfred the Great (who reigned AD 871–99), standard English had little effect on most people’s lives until the early seven- teenth century. At that point in time, scholars were beginning to promote spoken forms of varieties that were “approved” by one means or another. These approved forms, called “codiﬁed” forms, were as a rule the forms of the king/queen or the forms of the most economically or politically powerful speakers. These standardization processes were purely social processes, fore- grounding the social acceptability of, for instance, “You and I are good friends” over the variant “You and me are good friends”, which could both be heard and read in English roughly equally at the time.18 Linguistically speaking, the selected forms of a language, the forms that become the standard, are just one way of expressing an idea, like the you-and- me vs you-and-I example. These selected forms are linguistically no better or worse than the other ones, just different. Socially, however, the standard forms generally bestow respect on the user, while the other forms don’t – at least, not in ofﬁcial or public settings. It’s a bit like wearing black tie (a tuxedo) in formal settings: people notice such things favourably, often by not sticking out (but wear a Canadian tuxedo19 and you’re in trouble). The standard thus creates clear uses for itself (e.g., in ofﬁcial forms of address, treaties between heads of state, job negotiations, and other serious matters). There are, however, also times when one would do better to avoid standard forms in order not to appear too posh, too formal, or too aloof. For instance, in a pub crawl with Liverpudlian (Liverpool), Haligonian (Halifax, NS), or Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 17 Speaking and Writing: a Primer 17 Bostonian friends on a Friday night. Someone sounding like Prince Charles would probably not be pub crawling for long on such a night unless they were in a royal pub crawl, so to speak. (But that would be a very different pub crawl altogether.) This is one of the downsides of speaking a standard variety: it creates distance on less formal occasions, while bestowing social power on its speakers in formal contexts. To keep with our attire analogy: wear a Canadian tuxedo with your hipster friends, not a real tuxedo – but, most important of all: know the difference. In addition to the standard, many other varieties of English are used in Canada. There are non-standard Englishes that linguists call “varieties” of English or simply “dialects”. It is important to know that the standard variety itself is also just another dialect, although a socially privileged one. In order not to confuse this use of the word dialect with the word’s meaning of traditional, rural ways of speaking, linguists therefore often prefer the word varieties. As we said above, linguistically the standard dialect, or standard variety, is no better or worse than any other dialect or variety. In this respect, there is little to no semantic difference between the utterances A and B: a: “Would you be so kind as to pass me the salt shaker, please?” b: “Gimme the salt, eh!” A and B are linguistically equivalent, in the strict sense of the word: they are both the speech act we call requests, and both would in their respective contexts be likely to get the job done of putting the speaker in temporary possession of the salt container. Socially, however, the two sentences are anything but equivalent: the former is very conservative Standard Canadian English – or, perhaps more so, conser- vative Standard British English – while the latter is non-standard, more infor- mal English. In this case, the latter is somewhat rude, but that assessment depends entirely on the utterance’s context – that is, the concrete social and situational conditions. One can easily imagine a situation, for instance, in which sentence A would be very much out of place, even indeed wrong (e.g., in a biker gang’s club house, but also during the lunch break of a group of Canadian high-school students). Reading of salt and salt shakers, the reader might make a connection with a previous section’s slow-cooker metaphor. The reason may not be obvious but is logical on second thought: like many things Canadian, Canadian English took its sweet time to materialize. Like the yummy stew people throw into the crockpot in the morning and let sit until the evening to come home to a ready meal, Canadian English has been sitting and simmering for a long, long time – centuries, actually, as the case of beaver stone will show us at the end of Chapter 4. And since the beginning, a most important ingredient that has turned an otherwise standard mix into a yummy broth with spunk has Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 18 18 What is Canadian English? always been there. Sometimes more appreciated, sometimes not so much, this ingredient, coming in all shades and colours, may be called “linguistic immi- grant spice”. Immigrant Spice: the Linguistic Flavour There are many second language varieties of English around the world, and many of them are used in Canada. Linguists call second language varieties simply L2 varieties, to distinguish them from mother tongue or ﬁrst language – L1 – varieties. The more immigration there is, the more second languages (or L2s, for short) are spoken, and Canada has been an immigrant destination for many centuries. Some say it’s the immigrant destination par excellence. English, indeed, is a bit of a strange language to begin with. It is the only originally European language that is spoken by more L2 speakers than L1 speakers. So, in other words, there are more second language speakers of English than there are ﬁrst language (mother tongue) speakers.20 Many more. As early as 2013, estimates deemed that for every native speaker of English there were ﬁve (!) non-native speakers of reasonable competence. So is it not reasonable to suggest that, as I am writing these lines in January 2018, we are at a ratio of 1:6, if not higher?21 As that ratio has been shifting very dramatic- ally in favour of L2 speakers over the past twenty years, we will continue to see that trend for a couple of decades or so. Simultaneously, we will be facing more and more debates over what is “acceptable” English. We will return to this interesting question about the “ownership of English” – who “owns” the language and who has the authority to decide what’s acceptable and what is not – in Chapter 7 and in the last chapter, as we attempt to peer into the future. For now, we only need to point out that, because of its many forms of L2 Englishes, Canada is a bit of an odd country – in the best sense of the word — among its peers, which are usually the USA, UK, Australia, and New Zealand. In a famous model of English in the world, the “Circle Model,” Canada has traditionally been considered part of the “Inner Circle”, just like the UK or the USA, while as a matter of fact Canada’s demographic and linguistic make-up is surprisingly different from those countries. Many readers will be thinking of the role of French in Canada, but that is just the beginning of the story. Complementing the model, there is the “Outer Circle” of countries in which English plays an institutional role, such as in India or the Philippines, as well as the “Expanding Circle”, which is the rest of the world where English has had no or only very limited functions, e.g., Austria, China, or Russia.22 So how is Canada a strange bird in the mix of Inner Circle countries? It is all linked to the gruesome days of overt and government-promoted colonialism, when European powers were colonizing the world. In that task, the English Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 19 Immigrant Spice: the Linguistic Flavour 19 were outperforming the French, Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, German, Swedish, Italian, and any other colonizing navies as the most successful colonizers – a most doubtful claim to fame. Clearly, having suppressed the most peoples in the world under the pretext of civilization is nothing to be proud of. But, as many authors have pointed out, the English language was passed on that way too. Once a language is in the hands of others, it is only a question of time before the colonized begin to mould the language the way they see ﬁt, whether the colonizers like it or not. It’s language change and a natural process. The fact that the English subjugated peoples, however, is not in any way natural but a matter of historical coincidence, disrespect of other cultures, and a western superiority complex and arrogance.23 Edgar W. Schneider, an Austrian scholar in Germany, has devised an appealing universal model for the process of the creation of postcolonial Englishes that impresses both by its simplicity (ﬁve phases) and by its complexity (each phase has multiple processes), which we will introduce later in this chapter.24 Coming back to the Circle Model, we can deﬁne the Inner Circle as the English varieties around the world that go back to “settler” Englishes, varieties that sprang up in locations in which enough native speakers were present to ensure a steady transmission of English. Where this was not the case, in all places where English speakers were far outnumbered by speakers of other languages, the local languages played a very profound part in the formation of the new Englishes that would eventually develop in these locations. These new Englishes are the Outer Circle Englishes, such as those used in India, Pakistan, or the Philippines. Here lies the reason why Canada is a bit of an oddball in the Inner Circle. When it comes to second language speakers among the Inner Circle countries, Canada is almost playing in a league of its own. The census ﬁgures speak clearly. According to the 2016 Canadian census, a mere 56 per cent of the population, or just over half of all residents in Canada, are native speakers of English. Compare this with any other Inner Circle country and you’ll see Canada considerably lagging behind all others. This ratio has been decreasing as of late, down from 58 per cent in the 2011 census, which shows that today, somewhat counter-intuitively, Canada has fewer native speakers of English than ﬁve years ago. Immigration continues to be strong and is expected to shape Canadian English more than it has previously. Such facts make Canada special in the best sense of the word. Francophone English, the English spoken by the roughly 7 million Canadians who have French as their L1, is just one type of L2 English with certain features, as is the L2 English of the half a million L1 speakers of Punjabi, Chinese, and Arabic dialects. That is, half a million each. Beyond these four groups of L2 speakers is a long list of over 250 other groups of L2 speakers of Canadian English. Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 20 20 What is Canadian English? The Bias against Canadian English With the basic terminology and the social setting covered, let’s go back to the main theme. It is fair to say that, prior to the 1950s, no positive notion of Canadian English existed. True, the term Canadian English is attested as early as 1857, but it was a slur25 and remained so for the ﬁrst century of its existence. The situation of Canadian literature at that time simultaneously encapsulates the dominant verdict on Canadian English, with the variety being worse off than the literature. In a telling episode, the founding chair of the University of British Columbia’s (UBC’s) Department of English Language and Literatures, the locally celebrated Garnet G. Sedgewick, is a case in point. In the 1930s and 1940s, Sedgewick was considered by some of his peers as “the ﬁnest teacher of English in Canada”,26 but he viewed Canadian literature “as essentially insig- niﬁcant and repeatedly refused to permit a course in it at U.B.C.” (Akrigg 1980: 16). In 1959, a decade after the autocratic – yet also in many ways innovative – Sedgewick passed away, UBC would launch the prime journal in the ﬁeld, Canadian Literature. While Canadian literature is widely known today, Canadian English is still the Cinderella among the “Canadian disciplines”, if there is such a thing. The reason people look at you with incredulity when they hear that you’re researching Canadian English is because no one ever mentioned the concept to them during their schooling. If it was mentioned, it was in all likelihood a negative mention. Chances are that if the label of Canadian English was used prior to the 1950s, it was used utterly negatively, way, as a slur: no one wanted to be told that they were speaking Canadian English. Sedgewick is once more a good example: born in rural Nova Scotia in 1882, he is reported as saying he had “spent forty years trying to smoke the Halifax dialect out of [his] speech” and that he successfully “tempered his raw Nova Scotian” (Akrigg 1980: 21). What needs to be eradicated like a bad habit is hardly a worthy object of study. Since people like Sedgewick, who fostered a love for languages, thought that way, there was little hope for Canadian English more generally at the time. In this climate, the crime-novel-loving Matthew Harry Scargill from the ﬁrst pages of this chapter was one of a handful of linguists on a mission. It is signiﬁcant that he came to his object of study as an outsider, from England; distance increases the likelihood that local ways of speaking are taken ser- iously, as something organically grown over the generations. Scargill’s mis- sion was to work towards a description and appreciation of the varieties of Canadian English, and while he had important roles to play, Scargill was not the most widely known or the most proliﬁc agent in a small group of scholars at the time. The most famous one of them was Walter Spencer Avis, English Professor at the Royal Military College in Kingston, though he should have Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 21 The Bias against Canadian English 21 worked at one of the big research universities. Avis died at the age of 60, at a time when most scholars are just about ready to publish the books that will form their legacies. Another person might well have become more famous than Avis. This man, Charles J. Lovell, is the protagonist of the ﬁrst couple of chapters of this book, but you will probably never have heard of him. He is the mountaineer in the subtitle. Like Avis, who is the subtitle’s professor, Lovell died quite young in scholarly life, at age 52. With two early deaths of main ﬁgures, from the perspective of the early 1980s, Canadian English must have seemed like a most hazardous enterprise. Scargill, Avis, and Lovell were members of a small group of scholars that I shall call the “Big Six”. While their group was not at all diverse in gender and ethnicity, which reﬂects the academic biases (of gender) and cultural biases (of ethnicity) of the day, they were rather diverse by other social parameters, which makes them an interesting crowd to tell a story about. The Big Six were comprised of two native-born Canadians – Walter Avis and Charles Crate – and three individuals who came to Canada from Britain – Patrick Drysdale, Matthew Scargill, and Douglas Leechman – and one American working from the USA – Charles Lovell. Scargill was one of the many “immigrants” – better described as non-natively born Canadians – who kept explaining to everyone who cared to listen that there was something Canadian about the English that was spoken and written in Canada. Scargill was a Yorkshire man who migrated to Canada in 1948 – so, shortly after World War II. With a Ph.D. from the University of Leeds and a profound interest in languages – in those days, Leeds University was about to become the adminis- tering body for the ﬁrst scientiﬁc study of the dialects of England – Scargill’s career in academia seemed like a safe bet. While the career seemed inevitable, his interest in Canadian English was a rather unlikely choice in the Canadian intellectual climate of the day. That climate has been labelled “Canadian Dainty”.27 Canadian Dainty refers to an attitude that was prevalent from at least the 1830s onwards, when immigrants from England ﬁrst started to appear in bigger numbers with what we called Wave II, until the last quarter of the twentieth century. That attitude put everything English on a pedestal: not Scottish, not Irish, not Welsh, but English. At its tail end in the 1950s, funny man Irving Layton put his ﬁnger on the upper-middle-class phenomenon of Canadian Dainty in a wonderfully amusing three-stanza poem. The poem portrays a man of an old Canadian lineage, a man who had lived all his life in Kingston, Ontario, as did his parents and grandparents. After spending three years as a young adult at Oxford University in England, however, we are informed he began to speak the purest Canadian Dainty accent, an English that out-Englished the English, Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 22 22 What is Canadian English? beating them on their linguistic home turf. How’s that for a dubious achieve- ment and exercise in identity formation? Garnett Sedgewick displayed certain traits of Canadian Dainty, when he “could not understand how people could endure living with poorly enunciated, imprecise, or ugly speech”, which included in his mind “a horrible harsh ﬂat Ontario ‘a’” (Akrigg 1980: 21). (So, can’t with the vowel sound from cat rather than from father.) Unpreten- tious, unaltered, and originally grown Canadian speech was not up to scratch for Sedgewick (who had – so much is certain – other qualities that he put to good use for his university). In Layton’s poignant words from the poem’s third and last stanza, we see a more extreme form of Canadian Dainty than Sedge- wick’s. A complete denial of his upbringing is found in the poem’s protagonist and Kingston native: Now his [the Kingston man’s] accent makes even Englishmen wince, and feel unspeakably colonial.28 In this climate, Scargill, who was educated in England and clearly using Standard British English, likely with northern English traits, had a different take on Canadian English than one might expect to ﬁnd in early postwar Canadian academia: rather than ridiculing it, like so many before him, he chose to research and promote it, something Sedgewick would not have appreciated. Scargill’s choice of Canadian English over the languages that carried a lot of academic prestige in those days was even the more remarkable as Canadian English was derided and attacked from Day 1, as it were. Called “a corrupt dialect” by the nineteenth-century Scottish Presbyterian minister Reverend A. Constable Geikie, the variety was off to a bad start. Geikie, who was posted to the small town of Berlin, Ontario (now Kitchener), for a few years in the 1850s, coined the term Canadian English as a slur in a lecture read before a Toronto learned society, a lecture that by today’s standards is better classiﬁed as a rant against all things Canadian, for the simple reason that Canadian English was different from the King’s or the Queen’s English.29 Lexicographer and linguist John Considine from the University of Alberta has come up with the most convincing reason for Geikie’s astonishingly dismissive lecture. Why should the small-town minister, giving a talk in the Ontarian capital, vilify the language variety of the land? Considine speaks in this context of Geikie’s “linguistic anxiety”, an anxiety of someone triply remote from the norms of the metropolitan [in this case, London, England] elite: as a Scot, as a resident of Canada, and as a resident of a town with a very substantial German-speaking population [at the time, hence the name Berlin]. (Considine 2003: 251) Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 23 The Big Six: Face-lifting the Idea of Canadian English 23 It all makes perfect sense: if you might be attacked for not coming from the “right” background, offence is the best defence, which gives us Geikie’s rant. It was, after all, the heyday of colonialism and no one seemed to question Geikie’s thesis. On the contrary, the Ontario learned men (we don’t know of any women) must have approved the talk, as they published the lecture in their 1857 proceedings – fortunately so, because that’s how we know about it.30 Scargill was a scholar who loved to forge alliances and make projects happen. His alliances went beyond the typical reach of the academic, which in those days often meant conﬁnement to one’s ofﬁce only to emerge many years later with a hefty manuscript in one’s name. While Scargill wrote books as well, he seems to have enjoyed the brokering aspect of inquiry as much as the research itself, if not more. In German you would have called Scargill a Macher, a ‘maker’, someone who makes things happen. He provided the Lexicographical Centre for Canadian English – ﬁrst at two universities in Alberta and, as of 1964, at the newly founded University of Victoria in Saanich, BC – with an organizational frame that would allow a small group of scholars to create what is today known as Canadian English. The Big Six: Face-lifting the Idea of Canadian English The group of scholars working on Canadian English was on one level shock- ingly homogeneous: they were, without exception, white males. This fact has led more than one student to see a narrative of colonization in their work. While this is a fair assumption, I think it is paramount to measure any achievement against the sociohistorical backdrop of the period. From that angle, that group was not as colonial as one would expect, and might even be considered something of an establishment vanguard of decolonization at the time. Maybe this was because, on some level, the group was a motley crew of individuals who actively became involved with First Nations matters, long before others would. What strikes the eye is that many key players had not been socialized in Canada. There were three men who hailed from England; besides Scargill, there was Patrick “Paddy” Drysdale, who came from Oxfordshire with an MA from prestigious Oxford University. (In those days, an Oxford BA was auto- matically “transformed” into an MA after a little while.) Drysdale was the youngest of them all, about 10–15 years the junior of the others. The most pivotal of the group while he was alive was Charles Julien Lovell. Lovell was a writer and researcher with a most diverse past, a story that deserves treatment in its own right.31 Orphaned at a very young age, Lovell grew up in various foster homes in Massachusetts, before walking out the door in his Sunday best one morning “at around 18”, never to return.32 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:33 Page Number: 24 24 What is Canadian English? During the 1920s and 1930s, it is unclear precisely how Lovell spent his time, but at some point he made his way across the USA to Pasadena, Califor- nia. Along the way, he surely met all sorts of characters and their languages, lingo, and linguistic varieties. This was the time of the Great Depression, so he was not alone on the roads. In a touching memoir about her lexicographer father, Bonnie Lovell can only speculate about the two decades between her father running away from home and his marrying her mother in his late 30s in 1945. Daughter Lovell “became convinced Daddy [Lovell] had been a hobo, riding the rails and camping in hobo jungles during the Depression years when countless thousands of men did just that” (B. Lovell 2011: 48). As it turns out, Lovell preferred to walk across the USA. He was a mountaineer, after all: “A gentleman will walk but never run” was not just a line in Sting’s post-The Police smash hit, but apparently also Lovell’s motto. Despite having only a high school education, Lovell became perhaps the most central ﬁgure in the making of Canadian English. These three “new- comers” to Canada, all of whom arrived in the early years after World War II, were pivotal in the “construction” of Canadian English. Perhaps their roles only prove a more general pattern, a pattern that makes the outsider see what’s special about a particular linguistic variety they are not native to. There are some famous examples that prove the rule. James A. H. Murray (1837–1915), the primary and, to date, the longest-serving editor of the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), hailed from Scotland and was therefore not exactly an English gent by lineage. Yet, as the deﬁning Chief Editor of the Oxford English Dictionary, Murray described the language of the English for poster- ity, and – this point is important – not the language(s) of the Scots. Fredric G. Cassidy, another giant in dialectology and lexicography, was instrumental in the documentation of the English of Jamaica, the island of his birth. As he left the Caribbean state at the age of 11, he too returned to it with an outsider’s perspective, at least to some degree.33 Lovell, like Murray and Cassidy, was also a linguistic outsider, which is no coincidence either. Beyond Lovell, Drysdale, and Scargill, there was another “immigrant scholar” of Canadian English. That fourth newcomer was Douglas Leechman (FRSC), a man who was much older than the rest of them and whose “FRSC” sufﬁx declares him to be a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada. Now there is someone from the scholarly establishment. Born in 1890 in Coventry, England, and thus at least three decades senior to the other ﬁve in the Big Six, Leechman came to Canada as a young adult. In 1924, he joined the Division of Anthropology at the National Museum of Canada. In addition to a BA from the University of Washington in the early 1920s, he earned a Ph.D. in Ottawa in the early 1940s and became a decorated anthropologist, archeolo- gist, museum curator, and, perhaps most lastingly, an artefact conservation scientist. In his day, Leechman was a prime authority on the lives of the Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:34 Page Number: 25 The Big Six: Face-lifting the Idea of Canadian English 25 Canadian Inuit and northern First Nations. As he fought for three years with the 11th Mounted Riﬂes in World War I, much of that war’s military slang was probably contributed to DCHP-1 by Leechman; for World War II military slang, Avis and Scargill brought ﬁrst-hand battle experience to the editorial board. Besides the three Englishmen and one American, two native-born Can- adians complete the group. There is Walter Spencer “Wally” Avis, who would, as Chief Editor, see to completion the deﬁning dictionary of Canadian English. As a recent graduate with a Ph.D. in Linguistics from the University of Michigan, a leading school in the ﬁeld since at least the 1920s, Avis was part of the ﬁrst generation of academically trained linguists in Canada. Avis brought a unique skill set to the table. The second native-born Canadian was Charles Brandel “Chuck” Crate. Crate was a university-educated man of many trades and, during the dictionary days, a high school teacher in Alert Bay, BC – an island community off the north coast of Vancouver Island with a majority First Nations population – and later in Quesnel, BC, located in the old Cariboo gold-digging Eldorado of northern British Columbia. Crate took an avid interest in the Canadian north, thus contributing special expertise that was otherwise hard to come by. These six men – Lovell, Avis, Scargill, Drysdale, Leechman, and Crate – comprised the editorial team that would write and publish the ﬁrst signiﬁcant landmark in the study of Canadian English: a historical dictionary that would document, through the historical record, about 10,000 terms with some 13,000 meanings and Canadian usages. This book, entitled A Dictionary of Canadian- isms on Historical Principles (DCHP-1 ), was published to much acclaim in November 1967, as a contribution to the Canadian centennial celebrations. The A in the title is overly modest: it is not just a historical dictionary of Canadian English – it is the historical dictionary of the variety. It is the only one there is. It also reﬂects, however, the intent of the group to produce more than just one historical dictionary, plans that didn’t materialize. As all six men are listed on the dictionary’s masthead, we will place their paths and contributions to DCHP-1 at the centre of the present book. We will also look at the roles of women in that process, who were, more often than not, in positions that were not sufﬁciently acknowledged. Without the Big Six, the study of Canadian English would have developed very differently, if it had developed at all. The lion’s share of the present book aims to retrace and reconstruct how this group of men managed to deﬁne, document, and propel Canadian English based on the way Canadians use English, an idea that was nothing less than ridiculous at the time. Canadian English was developed from a vague hunch to a fully ﬂedged theoretical concept with ample empirical proof in one and a half decades. The Big Six must be credited for inventing or creating Canadian Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:34 Page Number: 26 26 What is Canadian English? English. Their idea was not just backed up with scholarly articles, but with a most impressive “proof of concept” in life size, so to speak: a complete set of dictionaries, comprised of the scholarly historical DCHP-1 , the “ﬂagship” dictionary as they called it, and a set of three graded school dictionaries (from elementary to middle to high school). Some Canadian readers may be familiar with the Gage Canadian Dictionary from their own or their children’s school years. The Gage Canadian, ﬁrst published in 1967 as The Senior Dictionary, was the high school and lower undergraduate dictionary. Together with The Intermediate Dictionary (1963, with Scargill in charge), The Beginning Dictionary (1962, with Avis in charge), and The Senior (1967, which was the responsibility of University of British Columbia linguist Robert J. Gregg) formed the graded school dictionaries. These three and DCHP-1 comprised, by 1967, the complete dictionary series, which was called, collectively, the Dictionary of Canadian English – so no single book was called this as such, only the collection of the four dictionaries. Rounded off with a host of academic papers, some of which we’ll discuss in the next chapter, and with a steady supply of press coverage that spread the word, the Big Six ensured that no one would be able to escape their “face-lift” of Canadian English – that is, the Big Six plus Robert J. Gregg, who would turn them into the Magniﬁcent Seven. At the end of 1967, Canadians would for the ﬁrst time be proudly proclaiming that they spoke Canadian English, and there were four dictionaries to prove it, which is a far cry from the origins of the term in Reverend Geikie’s mid-nineteenth-century mouth. “Face-lifting” (Codiﬁcation) in the Big Picture Now that we know roughly what the Big Six did, let us look at their achieve- ment in the bigger linguistic and historical contexts. Historical linguists – those who study the development of languages over time – and sociolinguists – who study the social correlations of language – have been very productive in the theoretical modelling of new linguistic varieties over the past decade and a half, so that today we have three models that together cover the process of new-dialect formation in great detail. What we called informally the “face- lifting” process is in the literature referred to as the new-dialect formation process, the koinéization process, or the standardization process, depending on the particular theoretical stance taken. There are two models that can be applied to the development of the dominant or colonial language in colonial settings: Edgar Schneider’s Dynamic Model and Peter Trudgill’s New-Dialect Formation Model. Both are useful in the Canadian context. A noteworthy development of the Dynamic Model is Buschfeld, Kautzsch, and Schneider (2018), in which some of Schneider’s former students are taking the model further. Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:34 Page Number: 27 “Face-lifting” (Codiﬁcation) in the Big Picture 27 Table 2 Dynamic Model phases (Schneider 2007) I Foundation (of the language in the new location) II Exo-normative stabilization III Nativization IV Endo-normative stabilization V Diversiﬁcation The most general model in this area is Edgar Schneider’s Dynamic Model (Table 2). First published in 2003, and after in – recommendable – book form (Schneider 2007), the model does not make any ﬁrm predictions, but instead charts a sequence of ﬁve general phases that are required for a new language variety to be formed out of an older variety or several older ones. Originally developed for postcolonial Englishes, this model is of immediate relevance as well for other languages in which writing plays a role. Schneider’s scenario can be explained with the following thought experi- ment: suppose you transplant a language – say, German – to another part of the world – say, Peru – in the 1850s. Provided that enough speakers followed (which was not the case in the real-world Peruvian town of Pozuzo, which inspired this example), sooner or later the imported German would develop into a kind of Peruvian German that might attain public functions (which it didn’t – today, Peruvian German, to the extent it is still spoken in the 8,000- people town, is merely a language enclave). Suppose more and more German speakers, from different parts of the German-speaking areas in Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Northern Italy, East Belgium, Luxembourg, Liechten- stein, parts of Romania, and the Czech and Slovak Republics followed. Today, we might have a Standard Peruvian German. To use Schneider’s model, this development of a new standard variety would have occurred in ﬁve successive phases (see Table 2). In Pozuzo, Peru, the ﬁrst settlement of German speakers arrived in 1859 and was comprised of families with a total of 170 members from Austria (Tyrol) and Germany (the Rhineland). This would have been Phase I: Foundation. In the Canadian example, the scenario is more complex, as the speakers of English were to arrive in what is now Canada in bigger numbers after 1714 in the Maritimes (Nova Scotia), but only after 1763 in Montreal and Quebec, and after 1776 in what was to become Ontario. The west of Canada, however, was not settled until the mid and late 1800s. Before 1846, the area west of the Rockies and north of the Columbia River, comprising what are today Oregon and Wash- ington states, was, moreover, still in British-Canadian hands. The provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta were not settled until the early twentieth century. Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:34 Page Number: 28 28 What is Canadian English? Following this foundation phase, the settlement stabilizes and it becomes clear that the immigrants are here to stay. Their identities are tied to the motherland. They are Motherland plus, so, in the Peruvian case, German plus Peruvian. Culturally and linguistically, the settlers take their cues from German-speaking Europe – hence exo-normative stabilization (from “exo” meaning ‘outside of’) – for their norms. In the Pozuzo case, the Rhineland inﬂuences were given up early in favour of the Tyrolean customs, so that today you have a Spanish-speaking Tyrolean town in the remote South American mountains. Phase III is the really interesting phase, when a creative combin- ation of Old World German and New World linguistic features creates a kind of language that is new. In Phase III, the settlers begin to identify with their Peruvian-German identity for the ﬁrst time. In this phase, something really new happens, culturally and linguistically. At this point, it’s a good idea to halt for a moment, because what Schneider summarizes under Phases I, II, and perhaps also III, is spelled out in Peter Trudgill’s New-Dialect Formation Theory (2004) in greater detail and with testable claims. (Schneider’s model does not offer such testability, is rather descriptive after the fact, and doesn’t allow much in the way of prediction.) For the development of Canadian English, I applied Trudgill’s theory to eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Ontario a few years back and found it very useful (Dollinger 2008a). While it needs to be said that a lot of col- leagues see opposition between Schneider and Trudgill, I see much more common ground. I won’t focus on their differences here beyond the general statement that Trudgill, the sociolinguist par excellence, sees social factors as non-applicable in certain, well-deﬁned situations in which the group sizes of language speakers over-ride other aspects (for more, see, e.g., Dollinger 2015a: 200–208 and references therein), with Schneider objecting to that aspect. Returning to Schneider’s model, Phase IV is when the country has stabilized as an entity in its own right rather than a colony and is in the process of gaining a new sense of self. It is then when, linguistically, the focus is transferred to the country rather than the motherland. This is the time when dictionaries and grammars are composed and the country’s new norms, which solidiﬁed over Phases I–III, are now codiﬁed into a new standard. In this phase the Big Six were instrumental in Canada. The Big Six basically invented Canadian English in that they undertook the “endo-normative stabilization” of Canadian English. This chapter’s epigraph is taken from a little-known publication by Avis a year before the major dictionaries, DCHP-1 (today at www.dchp.ca/dchp1) and The Senior Dictionary, were published. Haugen’s (1966) classic model on the standardization process of language, which he developed in the 1960s, deals ﬁrst and foremost with Schneider’s Phase IV. Together, the three models cover the entire process admirably well. Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:34 Page Number: 29 This Book’s Scope: 1940 to 1998 29 Phase V is then characterized by the period of post-nationalist zeal. The country is long established and its linguistic standard is a given. In the formation of Standard Austrian German (AutG), this phase would have been in the 1990s, when AutG was more or less accepted. It is now – when other forms of social organization trump the “national” story and other “afﬁliations” are foregrounded, such as certain music styles, philosophies, perhaps profes- sional memberships, and any other group construction markers – that more cultural and linguistic diversiﬁcation ensues. This Book’s Scope: 1940 to 1998 Establishing cut-off points is usually a tricky issue, especially when it comes to the creation of ideas or concepts. Think about Middle English, the language of Chaucer. When did it start? We can offer political dates, such as 1066, the date of the Norman Conquest, as the deﬁning moment turning English from a fully Germanic language into a mongrel of a Germanic legacy, which has been swamped with Romance-type language varieties. So, 1066, right? On Christmas Day, to be precise, the last English king of that period, Harold, was killed (by an arrow straight into his eye!). But did Middle English then start on Boxing Day 1066, or even on New Year’s Day 1067? Hardly, as nothing much had changed on the ground by then. This is why some scholars prefer 1100 as a reasonable delimiter between Old English (think Beowulf) and Middle English (think Canterbury Tales). Others still, though less often, set 1154 as a cut-off, because it was the last year that an important Old English document, the Peterborough Chronicle, was maintained. You can see this is the stuff that the worst academic debates, those devoid of solution, are made of! Periodization is a tough call, as you can see, and the call is not any less tough in the case of Canadian English. So, when is the period of Canadian English? A possible start date is in 1867 with Confederation, the Canadian “independence day” of 1 July 1867. But what about 1917 and the date of the often-quoted battle of Vimy Ridge, in which Canadian units won a victory on the international stage paid in blood? Or 1926 with the Balfour Declaration that rendered all colonies of Britain as de jure equal with Britain, at least on paper? Perhaps later? What about 1945, when World War II was over and Canada was ﬁnally, with newly found conﬁdence, looking towards the future? Or how about 1947, when the ﬁrst Canadian passports and Canadian rather than British citizenship certiﬁcates were issued? Or maybe as late as 1982, when the original Canadian constitution – the British North America Act – was brought home from Westminster, London, so it could be altered by the Canadian rather than the British parliament? Perhaps a date in the future? After all, we could argue that Canada is not yet fully “completed”, because the Meech Lake Accord,34 an important ﬁx in the Canadian constitution revolving Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:34 Page Number: 30 30 What is Canadian English? around Quebec, failed in 1990? I think we’d all agree that 1982 would be too late and the last date nonsensical. But which date would it be? I have chosen none of the above, because this book is not so much about the political events as the language variety. While the former inﬂuence the latter, I looked for a date that would be more language-related. And what better cut- off date than the publication of the ﬁrst book that dealt in an empirical way with Canadian English, even though (very Canadian perhaps) it didn’t high- light its Canadian content? This content was not advertised at all, so much so that I have never seen it even mentioned in any of the works on Canadian English. I therefore consider the book’s “rediscovery” an exciting event that is important enough to mark the beginning of the scope of the present book. So when does this book’s story start? In 1940. In that year, Queen’s University Professor of English Henry Alexander, an Oxford-educated man whom in the next chapter we will call “the grandfather of Canadian English”, published a textbook on the history of English. He called it, revealingly and somewhat imposingly – and, I’m sorry to say, certainly colonially – The Story of Our Language. You can see why Hugh MacLennan felt the need to write Two Solitudes, the novel about English-speaking and French-speaking Cana- dians, just ﬁve years later: French was not part of “our” story according to the anglophone Alexander. More interesting for our purposes, Alexander’s table of contents reveals nothing about Canadian English. It only mentions – quite modern for the time – British and American English and, in the later parts of the book, their differences. Moreover, neither Canada nor any of its parts even makes the index. Unless you read it from cover to cover, you won’t be able to appreciate that this book, read by many a student (a new edition was published in 1962), seems to be the ﬁrst book that took Canadian English seriously, sprinkling interesting tidbits of information on it into the chapters on British and Ameri- can English, here and there. It is clear that Alexander knew what he was writing about and that he had ﬁrst-hand experience (and data) on what he was adding to the book. So, in other words, he added “Canadian spice” in what would otherwise have been a more routine broth on the history of English. Here’s an example of that spice concerning the word for what is often called a see-saw today in many Eng- lishes and is found on playgrounds: But in certain regions, especially in and near Cape Cod [MA, USA], tilt, tiltin board and tilter are found. Tilter seems to be a “blend” of tilt and teeter. There are also quite different expressions such as dandle, and dandle board and the picturesque tippety- bounce. The word seesaw itself is also generally known, but is often felt to be somewhat literary. In Nova Scotia most of these words are heard and in addition tippin board and sawman. It is interesting to note that the form teeter-totter, which is very common in Ontario, is rare in New England and Nova Scotia. (Alexander 1962 [1940]: 224) Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:34 Page Number: 31 This Book’s Scope: 1940 to 1998 31 Teeter-totters, as a potentially Canadian form from Quebec westwards, was new information at the time and extended the view of English, long overdue, to north of the Canada–US border. We’d probably still be using teeter-totter these days in most parts of Canada had the equipment not been banned from Canadian playgrounds for being considered as excessively dangerous for Canadian kids. Now only kids in other parts of the world can enjoy and experiment with teeter-totters, see-saws, or tilting boards, so that Canada has little use for the word. Alexander’s book appeared two years before Martin Joos, a University of Toronto linguist, would ﬁrst describe what has since become known as Canadian Raising, the particularly Canadian vowel pronunciations of out and about or wife and life.35 Alexander must have felt that the time was not yet ripe to mention the phrase “Canadian English”, but he managed to sneak a lot of information into his textbook (a strategy that, more conspicuously and much more directly, was continued by J. K. Chambers’ very readable textbook Sociolinguistic Theory, ﬁrst published in 1995; see Chambers 2009a for the latest edition). Having clariﬁed the starting date of 1940, we note that this book formally stops in 1998, with the occasional glimpse beyond. There are a number of reasons for that second cut-off. First, any historian will tell you that it’s always good to write with the beneﬁt of hindsight – after the dust has settled, so to speak. That’s the reason for not taking this book up to 2015 or so. Another, more profound reason is that, as of 2002, I have had a role (and stake) in the ﬁeld myself and my involvement in it would certainly endanger the historian’s balanced point of view. As of 2006, when I was appointed Editor of the second edition of the Dictionary of Canadianisms, I would stand in a potential conﬂict of interest, writing on the history of my own project. Some things are better left to others. So far, so good. But why 1998? That was the year of publication of the Canadian Oxford Dictionary, which, for about a decade, was a game changer in the public perception of Canadian English. The year 1998 is also the height of the Canadian dictionary war, in which three new dictionaries and editions were competing in the small Canadian market, together with some older editions. For a time it looked as if there was one clear winner – there certainly was one big loser, the ITP Nelson Dictionary, and one not-so-big loser, the Gage Canadian Dictionary. Since 2008, when the Canadian Oxford Dictionary shut down its operations in Canada, we have known that this desk dictionary war knew only losers. So, in a word, 1998 seemed like a good cut-off. But why not the year 2000 – perhaps just for the sake of being a bit different? Canadians do things slightly differently at times, and this is perhaps symbolized by the difference between 1998 and 2000: almost the same, but not Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:34 Page Number: 32 32 What is Canadian English? quite. Linguistically, it is often just like this: Canadian is almost the same as American English, but not quite. (We could say, of course, that American English is almost the same as Canadian English too.) Our Canadian linguistic ride is therefore set for 1940 to 1998. What to Expect from this Book This book consists of nine chapters, of which the last one builds on the previous chapters to make a number of suggestions and recommendations – perhaps even something coming close to a call to action. Before that conclu- sion, Chapter 8 looks at what colonial bias there may be in DCHP-1 and what can possibly be done about it. Chapter 7 is about the 1990s when a dictionary war was raging behind the scenes in Canada, not unlike the one among American dictionary publishers in the 1860s. It was the time of the Canadian Oxford Dictionary, but there is so much more to it – for instance, the legacy of the Gage Canadian Dictionary, which established the ﬁeld of Canadian English reference and which was not appreciated for what it was. Chapter 6 explains the business constraints behind dictionary publishing and how the new discipline of sociolinguistics affected the study of Canadian English, which, after the success of the 1970s (Chapter 5) had to re-orient itself, with the old guard gone (or on their way out) and the new one not yet ready to take over. The earlier chapters, notably Chapters 3 and 4, are dedicated to the making of the ﬁrst edition of the Dictionary of Canadianisms, DCHP-1 , which was arguably the galvanizing project that put not just dictionaries but the entire ﬁeld of Canadian English into the mind of the public. Chapter 2 is on the American lexicographer Charles Lovell, the person who was poised to lead the ﬁeld but died of a heart attack only days after having received the necessary funding from the Canada Council that would have allowed him to lead the project. The story of how this American “convinced” the Canadians that there was something noteworthy about their English, and how it came to be that he knew so much about it, will be the start of explaining how Canadian English was ﬁrst envis- aged, documented, conceptualized, and, ultimately, codiﬁed and promoted. This is the story of the making of Canadian English, which was an early working title for this book. Another, more provocative, title that did not make the cut was Canadian English, American Made – American made because Charles J. Lovell was American. Another reading of this title arises from the historical relevance of American English for Canadian English, which emerged out of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century American English (mostly from the mid-Atlantic and New England). American English is for Canadian English what British English is for American English: its immediate and most important parent variety.36 A most accessible history of American Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: 1 Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:09:38:34 Page Number: 33 What to Expect from this Book 33 English is Bailey (2012), while Mencken (1936) is still worth a read (after almost a century!). The Big Six were what early British Columbian settlers might have called prairie chickens, which the Dictionary of Canadianisms deﬁnes in meaning 3 as “a newcomer, especially a farmer from the prairies” and labels it “espe- cially B.C.”. For the Songhees people, it must have felt odd that the new- comers would, within a generation or two, develop their own words for newcomers, or rather the “newcomers’ newcomers”. Language is meaningful only in relation to the people who use it and their experiences. It is made just for them. I wonder which words the Songhees and Esquimalt used for the Europeans who showed up on their shores and who were quite dependent on them. What is the prairie chicken, or greenhorn, equivalent in the Lekwungen language? There are indeed many other words for newcomers: cheechakos, also from BC and the west more generally, were newcomers, not nearly as smart as the sourdoughs, those who had already survived a winter in the wilderness. While all these words are in DCHP-1 , both DCHP-1 and DCHP-2 are quiet on the Lekwungen terms for newcomers. The words in DCHP-1 are the product of a settler society. Although the makers tried, both in the 1960s and half a century later for the new edition, to do justice to the Indigenous experience, this endeavour is bound to fail: only Indigenous people can speak for Indigenous people, and in neither project was there an aboriginal core member. We will need to keep in mind that entire nations and cultures are vastly under- represented in Canadian English lexicography as we read on. Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 274 General Index Abley, Mark, 225, 254 dictionary plans, 74 acclaim (v.), 239 dissertation, 74 Adams, Michael P., 206, 250, 257–59 early years, 70 Alexander, Henry editor, 78–79 Avis’ teacher, 71 editorial principles, 140 Canadianisms, 237 education, 43, 71 ﬁeldwork, 41, 150, 247 fame, 163 lex committee, 77 friendship, 67, 75 Massey Report, 44 funding, 67–68 Queen’s University, 43 Gage, 68 textbook, 30 health, 44, 74, 80, 85 Winston Simpliﬁed, 173, 251, 253 historical linguistics, 43–44, 72 all-candidates meeting, 192 job prospects, 81 all-dressed, 238 Kingston, 21 American Dialect Society (ADS), 42, 156 legacy, 21, 36, 43, 63, 66, 79, 155 Americanization, 165–66, 168–69, 171 lexicographical committee, 77 Anishnabe, 96–97 See Ojibway linguistic fashions, 69–70, 76, 156, attitudes, linguistic, 223, 226 165 Atwood, Margaret E., 46, 99 linguistics, 65, 76 Auer, Anita, 48 Lovell, 51 Australian English, 252 Mathews, 121 autonomy, linguistic, 226, 231, 235, McConnell, Ruth, 44 258 Michigan, 73 Avis, Faith, 46–47, 50, 71–72, 112–13 MLA, 48 Carleton University, 71 obituary, 66–67, 77, 155, 264 education, 71 perfectionism, 68 picture, 47 picture, xv, 47, 64 Avis, Walter S. predecessor, 41, 43–44 army, 25, 70, 156 Queen’s University, 41, 71 Beginning Dictionary, 26, 67 quotation slips, 79–80, 92 Big Six, 21, 25, 66 quotes, 28, 87, 245 Calgary 1963, 81 recent graduate, 77 Canadian English, 40–41, 44, 57–58, 62, 69, RMC, 20, 44, 66, 78, 82 72, 74 role, 80 Canadian quotations, 74, 84, 208 Sam Slick, 41, 43 career, 70, 76 scope creep, 68 Chambers, J. K., 44 successor, 62 CLA, 48, 66, 76 teacher, 44, 49, 67, 73 cross-border research, 76 teaching, 14, 43, 70 cross-country travel, 79 veteran, 71 death, 21, 44, 65–67, 155–56 Vinay, 155 dialectology, 159 workaholic, 62, 74–75, 80 274 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 275 General Index 275 Bailey, Richard W., 33 deﬁnition, 2 Balfour Declaration (1926), 29 delay, 67 Ball of Fire (movie), 88–89 First Nations varieties, 3 Barber, Katherine, 126–27, 138, 149, 163, immigrants, 10 181–82, 190, 263 in the press, 224 Barman, Jean, 5 regional variation, 188 Barnhart, Clarence, 68 sceptics, 230 Barnhart, David, 68 Canadian Linguistic Association, 66 BDC, 239 1954, 75 Beaver, The (magazine), 103–4, 114–15, 187 1958, 99–100 beaver stone, 17, 114–15 Avis’ role, 76 Big Blue Machine, 239 dictionary committee, 58 Big Six, 21, 249 historical dictionaries, 99 achievement, 36, 81, 140 history, 250 Avis’ death, 145 Lovell’s death, 51, 53, 60 catalysts, 25 meetings, 48 Crate, 210 negotiations with Gage, 100 importance, 28 Canadian Oxford Dictionary, 186–88 nationalism, 231, 243 entry counts, 186 plus Gregg, 175 Canadian Press Stylebook. 200 See CP PR, 26 Stylebook statistical proof, 233 Canadian tuxedo, 16, 246 bilingual Canadian Dictionary, 150 Canadianisms blood donor, Lovell, C. J., 59 deﬁnition, 122 blood donor clinic, 239 frequency, 194–95 Bloqiste, 239 identiﬁcation problem, 237 Boberg, Charles, 11, 233 Lovell, 57 Bonhomme, Christine, 105 Memorial, 202 bonnet (car), 121 Origin, 192, 254 British English, 3, 10, 14, 16 Semantic Change, 192 Brodie, Steve (W. H.) T0 – Non-Canadian, 123 CBC language guidelines, 77 T1 – Origin, 123 lex committee, 77 T2 – Preservation, 123 Brown, Dan, 112 T3 – Semantic Change, 123 Brown Corpus of American English, 179 T4 – Culturally Signiﬁcant, 123 bugger, 152 T5 – Frequency, 123 Burchﬁeld, Robert, 120, 143, 152–53, 257 T6 – Memorial, 123 1968, 253 typology (T0–T6), 122–23 1978, 154 Canadianisms, preservation, 46, 123 character, 81 canoe, 84, 110, 206 Leechman, 153 Cassidy, Frederick G., 24, 38, 58, 73, 137, 247, OED appeals, 82 257 OED Supplement, 48, 82 death on the job, 104 Burton, Pierre, 99 cat spruce, 84 Buschfeld, Sarah, 26, 261 centre, 14 Butch, Dick (Elder), 197 Chambers, J. K. (Jack), 11, 247–48, 252–54 Canadian centennial, 257 Canadian content, 31 Canadian Dainty, 21, 247 CLA, 66 Canadian English. See also Standard Canadian dictionary review, 183–84, 189 English new generation, 44, 157, 165 acceptance, 223 on Avis, 65 autonomy, 231 on Crate, 78 colonialism, 8 predecessors, 158 creation, 81 retirement, 62 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 276 276 General Index Chambers, J. K. (Jack) (cont.) marketing, 136, 148 sociolinguists, 160 planned publication date, 105 Standard Canadian English, 176 praise, 252 take up, 37 promised revisions, 154 cheechako, 33 publication, 132–33 Cheezies, 238 published by McClelland & Stewart, 99 citation slip, 80 See quotation slip/s review, 252 Clarke, John W., 57 revision, 131, 156 Clarke, Sandra, 45, 158, 253 royalty statements, 134 codiﬁcation, 246 DCHP-2 launch Cohen, Leonard, 99 Lovell’s memory, 37 color. See colour project 2007, 236 colour, 14 Deutsches Wörterbuch (Grimms’), 104, 119 Concise DCHP, royalty statements, 148 Devitt, Amy, 247 Concise Oxford Dictionary (1992), 183 dictionaries, public relations (PR), 185, 187, Considine, John, 22, 127, 182, 254, 257 190, 235 corrupt dialect. 22 See Geikie Dictionary of American Regional English, 38, CP Stylebook, 200 42, 58, 104, 120, 140, 257 See DARE, CPP, 239 Dictionary of Canadian English Craigie, William A., 40–41, 55, 120, 248, 259, codiﬁcation, 137 262 DCHP-1 , 75, 91 character, 80 marketing, 143, 147 Chicago lexicography, 40, 55 school dictionaries, 179 link to DCHP-1 , 40 series, 1, 124, 175 outsider status, 40 series name, 26 Crate, Charles, 111, 254 series revision, 143 Alert Bay, 197, 204, 207, 210, 212 series sales, 185 beaver castor, 115 Dictionary of Newfoundland English, 77, 174 Big Six, 21, 25, 66 Dictionary Society of North America (DSNA), biography, 143, 210–11 250, 252 Canadian quotations, 84, 106, 113, 205, 208 dictionary war, American 1860s, 175 coding system, 106 Dictionary War, Great Canadian, 89, 127, editor, 78–79, 110 175–77, 180, 185, 191 editorial principles, 139 dipsydoodle, 69, 239 education, 25 Discovery Island, 5, 8, 196 See Tl-chess funding, 135 Doherty, Alexandra, 244 namesake fascist, 210, 249 Dollinger, Stefan, 9–10, 12–14, 28, 149, 176, 221 quotation slips, 49, 80, 91–92, 107 double-double, 238 revision, 108 Drysdale, Patrick (Paddy), 130 role, 80 Big Six, 21, 25, 66 Victoria 1965, 111 canoe, 110 Crosby, Sidney, 239 CLA, 48 Crystal, David, 62, 165, 247, 250, 253, 262 DCHP-1 cube van, 123, 192 orders, 134 Curzan, Anne, 228 DCHP-1 team, 23, 128 Czech language, 27, 170 editor, 79–80, 110 Czechoslovakian language, 170 education, 67 fame, 163 Da Vinci Code, The, 112 funding, 135 Danish, 258 Gage, 67, 112, 144 DARE, 38, 42, 58, 104, 120, 140, 257 immigrant, 23 DCHP-1 marketing, 147 achievement, 140 on Crate, 211–12 contractual copies, 133 on DCHP-1 , 132 early plans, 99 on Scargill, 145 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 277 General Index 277 on Wees, 100 dictionaries, 100 picture, 142 dictionary investment, 99 presentation copy, 118 Dictionary of Canadian English (series), role, 80 124, 131, 137, 161 Summer Institute 1958, 100 dictionary publishing, 100 Durkin, Philip, 251, 257 dictionary war, 183–84 Dynamic Model. See Schneider Drysdale’s role, 100 editorial input, 110 Early Modern English, 97, 182 market leader, 177, 181 editing progress, 128 marketing, 135, 143–44, 146–48 eh, 218, 221, 223, 225, 236, 252 national interest, 135, 137 Einstein, Albert, 35, 87 Oxford prestige, 126 employment insurance, 188 proﬁt from DCHP-1 , 134 English as a Lingua Franca, 48, 164, 226, 249, publisher for DCHP-1 , 99 257 publishing history, 134 English English, 174, 246 renew DCHP-1 copyright, 182 entry counts, 184 scholarly reputation, 174, 184 Eskimo, 123, 201 school dictionaries, 144–45, 238 European Union (EU), 230 Toronto, 107, 128 Expanding Circle, 164 Gage Canadian Dictionary, 124–25, 175, 185–86, 188–89 falsiﬁcation, 192, 233 entry counts, 186 Fee, Margery, 2, 143, 168, 254 rebranding, 143 copy-editing, 216 taboo words, 243 decolonization, 257 Gage Education, 31 See Gage early corpora, 179 Game 7, 239 land claims, 198 garburator, 123, 143, 171, 192 on Pauline E. Johnson, 198 Gaylie, Alexandra, 185, 264 usage guide, 223, 235 Geikie, Reverend A. Constable, 22, 26, 247 First Minister, 239 German, Austrian German, 29, 97–98, 171, First Nations, Inuit, and Métis, 197–98, 209, 225, 231, 254, 258 212, 215–16 See FNIM German German, in Germany, 98, 171, 175, ﬂy beer, 84 231, 258 FNIM, 198, 209, 212, 215–16 Gilliver, Peter, 52, 82, 101, 249–50, 256–57 for grass, 84 go Indian, 203 Ford, Baillie, 264 gong show, 121 Fox, Terry, 238 good Indian, 202–3 Freud, Sigmund, 73, 230, 232 Great One, The, 239 Friend, David, 62, 178, 182, 184, 252 Gregg, Robert J., 124, 141, 169, 175, 211, Fries, Charles C., 72–73 249–50 fuddle duddle, 239, 242 death, 145 Funk & Wagnalls, 49–50, 182 immigrant, 77 Funk & Wagnalls Canadian College lex committee, 77 Dictionary (1989), 183 linguistic fashions, 165 Furnivall, Frederick J., 78 on the dictionary market, 175 quotations, 79 Senior Dictionary, 67 Gretzky, Wayne, 80, 255 Gage, 26, 31–32, 175, 177, 254 Groundhog Day Loop, 172, 221, 226 American base, 189 GST, 239 Beginning Dictionary, 104–5 Guide to Canadian English Usage, 179 breaking US dominance, 124 Canadian dictionaries, 76, 249 half-blood, 199 competition, 181, 183 Hall, Joan, 49–50, 103, 107–8, 111, 213 competitors’ praise, 129 1965, 119 DCHP-1 , 128 Crate’s coding system, 106 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 278 278 General Index Hall, Joan (cont.) Kautzsch, Alexander, 26, 250, 261 editing, 113 Kinloch, Murray, 139, 150, 155–56 revision, 109 knowledge theory, 165 role of women, 78 koinéization, 12, 26 training, 81 Kraft Dinner, 238 Halliday, M. A. K., 156 Kretzschmar, William A., 246–47, 250 Hanks, Patrick, 255–56, 266 Linguistic Atlas of the United States and Haugen, Einar, 28, 81, 246, 258 Canada director, 71 HBC, 7, 198 Kuhn, Sherman M., 72 heart attack, 32, 51, 61, 67, 75, 85 Kurath, Hans, 37–38, 71–73 Helwich, Hartwich Richard, OED, 84 Kytö, Merja, 43 heterogeneity, linguistic, 171 heteronomy, linguistic, 167, 170 Laforest, Guy, 242 Hickey, Raymond, 252 Landau, Sidney I. hockey, xvii, 69, 80, 123, 154, 187, 240, 250 bad dictionaries, 89 hockey dad, 240 congratulates Avis, 129 hockey mom, 240 dictionary budgeting, 100 Hoffman, Michol F., 16, 266 dictionary making, 257 home language, 239 dictionary publishing, 88 homogeneity, linguistic, 172, 176, 223 digitization, 179 hood (car), 121 entry counts, 184 hootch, 85 Funk & Wagnalls, 129 Hornby, A. S., 179 quote, 129 HST, 239 scope of dictionary making, 121 Hudson’s Bay Company. 6–7, 187, 198 See textbook, 256 HBC landed immigrant, 199 Hutchison, Faith E. See Avis, Faith Late Modern English, 97 Layton, Irving, 21, 247 Ice hockey. See hockey Lee, Richard H., 148 icing, 238 Leechman, Douglas, 115, 151, 154 identity, linguistic, 226, 235 1959, 124 idiot string, 240 1964, 104 immigration, to Canada, 12, 21, 44, 60, 1965, 85 143 1968, 153, 253 Indian Register, 239 1976, 153 Inner Circle, 18–19, 164 1978, 154 Inspector Columbo, 2, 228 aboiteau, 151 Inspector Morse, 52, 228 anthropologist, 24 Intermediate Dictionary, The, 26, 67, 91, 110, Avis, Faith, 47 124 Avis’ succession, 112 isolation pay, 239 BC Archives, 251, 253 ITP Nelson, 31, 127, 186, 189–90, 254 beaver castor, 115 1997, 175 Big Six, 21, 24–25, 66 corpus planning, 178 biography, 111 dictionary war, 184 bugger, 152 entry counts, 184, 186 Calgary 1964, 113 review, 183–84 Canadian quotations, 84, 115, 208 scholarly reputation, 184 Chinook Jargon, 152 connection with OED, 253 Jeannerett, Marsh, 130 copy-editing, 110 Jenkins, Jennifer, 249 death, 149 Jenness, Diamond, 214–16, 254 editing, 49 Johnson, Pauline E., 198 editor, 78, 110–13, 115 Johnson, Samuel, 111, 115, 198, 229 end of OED work, 153 Joos, Martin, 31, 100, 247 health, 153 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 279 General Index 279 hootch, 85 Big Six, 25, 66 immigrant, 24 birth year, 247 Mathews, 121 blood donor, 59 meets Crate 1965, 111 bookplates, 59 Oak Bay, 111 Canada, 57 paid OED reader, 152 Canadian English, 58, 62 Partridge, Eric, 116 Canadian quotations, 40–41, 62, 80, 82, 84, progress, 113 208 publication, 151 Canadian Studies, 57 quotation slips, 80 Chicago, 55 quotes, 87, 112, 143 childhood, 53, 59–60 reader for OED, 48, 143, 253 CLA, 48, 58, 119 reading programme, 103, 115 co-editor credit for DA, 56, 250 revision, 108, 110 collaboration with Avis, 75 role, 80 collector, 54, 107 royalty statements, 134 coordination problems, 103 textbook, 135, 214 DA, 120 Victoria, 111 DCHP-1 team, 23 volunteer for OED, 152 death, 51, 61, 67, 76, 78 Leechman, Ruth, 112–13 dictionary plans, 74 1965, 116 documentation sheets, 101 diary, 113 early 1940s, 54 Lexicographical Centre of Canadian English early life, 53 1970s, 144 editor, 79 1980s, 145 education, 52 admin. support, 106 effects on Avis, 76 Calgary, 78 effects on Canadian English, 76 Edmonton, 23 fame, 163 Hall, Joan, 49, 103 father of Canadian English, 43 mail delivery, 107 founding editor, 38, 141, 238 Scargill, 1, 80 friendship, 75 Scargill’s presence, 50 funding, 50, 68 Victoria, 78 Gage, 68 women, 48 health, 74, 76, 84 Lim, Gabrielle, 264 hiking, 55 Linguistic Atlas of the United States and immigrant, 24 Canada, 14, 38, 41, 43, 66, 71, 73, 150, legacy, 21, 32, 36, 43, 51, 58, 61–63 159, 247 lex committee, 77 linguistic autonomy linguistic fashions, 165 Canada, 69 link to OED, 40 USA, 69 mountaineer, 54, 56, 60 Linguistic Society of America (LSA), 42 nationalism, 231 Love, Gage (president), 132, 134, 146 obituary, 155 Lovell, Bonnie A. on Craigie, 248 1960, 51 parallels with Murray, 52 contacting DCHP-2 , 79 perfectionism, 68–69 memoir, 247 picture, 34 Lovell, Charles J. predecessor, 41 1930s, 54 public outreach, 62 1946, 56 quotation slip, 92 1951, 59 quotes, 35 1954, 58 reading programme, 102, 106 American quotations, 56 scope creep, 68 autodidact, 24, 57–58, 60, 211 word nerd, 54 Barnhart, 68 word pun, 65 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 280 280 General Index Lovell, Charles J. (cont.) link to Lovell, 40 workaholic, 56, 61, 67, 74–75 outsider status, 24, 52 worries, 99 parallels with Lovell, 52 young adult, 24 Philological Society, 55 Luick, Karl, 73, 159 quotations, 79 Lunenburg dory, 130 Scot, 58 W. C. Minor, 56, 84, 101 make-work, 239 muskeg, 37, 95 Mathews, Mitford M., 40, 55–56, 60, 69, 75, 120–21, 129–30, 140 Nanaimo bar, 238 on DCHP-1 , 130 National Film Board, 239 on Lovell, 56–57 nationalism, 69, 124, 127, 166, 230–31, 235, Mauranen, Anna, 249 241, 258 Mawani, Renisa, 5 native speaker, 4, 18–19, 164, 182, 217, May, Bryan (guitarist in Queen), 44 227–28 May long, 240 Nelson Ltd, 161 May long weekend, 240 Neufeldt, Victoria, xv May two-four, 240 New Canadian, 239 McClelland & Stewart, 99 new-dialect formation, 12, 26 publisher for DCHP-1 , 99 New-Dialect Formation Theory. See Trudgill McDavid, Raven I., 231, 247 Newfoundland English, 167, 172, 253 army, 156 ballicater, 139 Linguistic Atlas of the United States and COD-2 , 188 Canada director, 66, 71, 73 critique of DCHP-1 , 139 on Avis, 65–66, 69, 78, 138 Drysdale, 100 on Scargill’s late work, 144 in DCHP-1 , 129 quote, 138, 154 linguistic enclave, 172 review of DCHP-1 , 130, 140 nose (Grand Banks), 187 tribute to Avis, 70, 76, 130, 154 present-day change, 173 Memorial University, 45, 67, 100, 139, 158 Story, 77 Mencken, H. L., 33, 46, 55, 75, 115, 152, 154, variation studies, 158 253 wreckhouse winds, 187 Avis, 65 yod-dropping, 169 death, 66 Newfoundland terms, in DCHP-1 , 129 household name, 70 non-native speaker, 18, 48, 164 life, 69 non-native/native speaker ratio, English, linguistic autonomy, 69 18–19, 92, 152, 247 Merriam-Webster, 161, 174 Norwegian, 258 Messner, Reinhold, 54 Meyerhoff, Miriam, 251 OED. See Oxford English Dictionary Middle English, 29, 72, 84, 228, 242 Ojibway, 96–97 Minor, W. C., 56, 84, 101, 249 Old English, 16, 29, 257, 266 moccasin, 84 Orkin, Mark M., 67, 149, 169, 225–26, 256 Modern Languages Association (MLA), Orkneyman, 186 41–42, 48 Outer Circle, 19, 163–64, 226, 267 Montgomery, Michael, 250 ownership, linguistic, 18, 226, 254 Montreal smoked meat, 238 Oxford English Dictionary mountaineering, 21, 24, 54 before 1879, 82 Mountie, 199 Canadian data, 153 multilingualism, 176, 180 Canadian quotations, 153 Munroe, Helen C., 45–46 CD-ROM, 180 Murray, Bill (actor), 221, 226 Chicago, 38, 99 Murray, James A. H., 52, 252 Chief Editor, 90 character, 80 DCHP-1 connection, 38, 152–53, 253, 257 death on the job, 104 earlier fascicles, 140 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 281 General Index 281 ﬂagship dictionary, 134 Queen’s University (Kingston, ON), 66 funding, 78 Quirk, Randoph, Sir, 163, 178 Global Englishes, 257 quotation slip/s, 80, 92 history, 249, 256–57 cross-checking, 115 Leechman’s pay, 153 deﬁnition, 89 Minor, 56, 101 for DCHP-1 , 84, 91, 108 model, 120 missing from DCHP-1 ﬁle, 115 Murray, 55 muskeg, 95 Murray as outsider, 58 overview slip, 96 Murray’s doctorate, 52 shipments, 104 OED-3 , 202 praise for DCHP-1 , 131 reading programme project length, 104, 120 DCHP-1 , 80, 100, 103, 115 quotations, 92 OED, 80, 100, 103, 115 reading programme, 101 reception, DCHP-1 , 129 revenue, 133, 180 reconciliation, 7, 207, 257 scope, 102 residential school, 90–91, 123, 197, 204–6 Supplement, 48, 120, 143, 152, 154 Rest of Canada, 239 support, 82, 84 reversing falls, 186 take up, 232 revision process, 109–10, 115, 139 Oxford University Press, 153, 175 1967, 128 1990s, 180 DCHP-2 , 119, 131 1992, 222 Gage Canadian, 124 2008, 126 Ritt, Nikolaus, 159, 250 Canadian Oxford Dictionary, 182 Romaine, Suzanne, 247 Canadian reference unit, 181 Royal Military College, 66, 69–70, 75, 81, 85, dictionary war, 149, 182 112, 237, See also Avis, Walter Leechman, 153 S. (RMC) OED quotation room, 86 royalty statements, 148 shutdown in Canada, 190 RRSP, 239 Paikeday, Thomas M., 183 Sandilands, John, 38 Palmer, Harold E., 179 Sawczak, Debbie, 177 Partridge, Eric, 57, 116, 253, 270 Scargill, Matthew H. (Harry) pencil crayon, 122–23 1965, 85 Penguin Canadian Dictionary (1990), 183 Big Six, 21, 25, 66 Penzl, Herbert, 73 Bilingual dictionary, 151, 253 Peters, Pam, 174 British inﬂuence, 14 Pike, Kenneth Lee, 73 Calgary, 81, 113 Planck, Max, 35 Canadian English, 1, 20, 22, 58 plant names, 53–54 canoe, 110 playoff beard, 239 career, 21, 23 pluricentricity. See autonomy, linguistic CLA, 48, 77 pop, 238 coding scheme, 106 Poplack, Shana, 158 DCHP-1 Popper, Karl, Sir, 165, 253 orders, 134 postal code, 239 DCHP-1 reading programme, 82, 84, 100 Potter, Harry, 60 death, 145 prairie chicken, 33 director, 49 Pratt, T. K. (Terry), 62, 158, 174, 248 editor, 49, 78–79, 110 Canadian English, 42 fame, 163 sociolinguists, 160 funding, 68, 135 prooﬁng process, 128 Gage, 68 puck board, 192–93 general historical dictionary, 132 Pulgram, Ernst, 72, 250 immigrant, 21–24 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 282 282 General Index Scargill, Matthew H. (Harry) (cont.) Songhees, 5, 33, 196, 245–46 Intermediate Dictionary, 26, 67, 110 sovereignty, FNIM, 151 Ivy’s Bookshop, 1 Stamper, Kory, 257 legacy, 36 Standard American English, 10–11, 152, 228, lex committee, 77, 99 267 linguistic fashions, 165 Standard British English, 10, 164 linguistic history, 144 Standard Canadian English, deﬁnition, 2, 176 Mathews, 121 standardization, 16, 26, 28, 160, 176, 223, 246 Oak Bay, 1 Stickeen, 84, 92, 94, 96 organizer, 20, 23, 50, 78, 80, 110, 145 Strathy Corpus of Canadian English, 178 post-1979, 145, 155 Strathy Language Unit, 46, 140, 168, 173, 175, preface, 251 178 publication date, 105 stubby, 238 reading programme, 131 Summer Institute of Linguistics, 73 role, 80 Swanky, Tom, 5 Survey of Canadian English, 82, 138 Swedish, 19, 240, 258 teacher, 50, 100, 246 University of Victoria, 81 T4 slip, 123, 239 Vinay, 155 Tagliamonte, Sali A., 12, 14, 45, 158–59, 250, schedule, 14 256 Schendl, Herbert, 159, 250 take up #9 , 37, 156, 192–95, 199, 232 Schneider, Edgar W., 27–28, 247, 252, 261 tap, 14 debate with Trudgill, 28 Tieken-Boon van Ostade, Ingrid, 48, 160 diversiﬁcation, 170 Tl-chess, 5, 8, 196 Dynamic Model, 12, 124 Tragically Hip, The, 222 Canada, 220 treaty Indian, 207–9 descriptive, 28 Trudeau, Pierre E., 124, 166, 242 ﬁve phases, 27 Trudeaumania, 239 Dynamic Model 2.0, 26 Trudgill, Peter, 10, 28, 44, 158, 165, 176, 261, ﬁctional example, 27 272 linguist, 19, 220 model scope, 28 model scope, 28 New-Dialect Formation Theory, 12, 28 stage reversal, 127 Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 206, scrum, 239 217 Seidlhofer, Barbara, 48, 249, 257 Senior Dictionary, The, 26, 49–50, 124, 132, University of British Columbia, UBC 141, 143, 145–46 See Gage Canadian apology to FNIMs, 254 Dictionary Canadian English Lab, 250 separatism (sovereignty), Quebec, 151, 239 Canadian Literature, 20 shall, 1st person, 14 English linguistics, 157 Sheidlower, Jesse, 223 Gregg, 77 shinny, 239 Hawthorn Report, 91 Sid the Kid. See Crosby linguistics, 157 Simpson, John, 81, 90, 120, 180 McConnell, 44 SIN, 239 motto, 241 Sinclair, John, 178 Musqueam language, 4 skedaddler, 130 Sedgewick, 22 skookum, 133 unemployment insurance, 239 slang, 140, 226 University of Illinois, 45 derogatory, 199 University of Michigan, 272 less-formal language, 225 Alva Davis, 263 military slang, 25 Avis, 25, 43, 66 slip case, 118, 136, 147 Canadians, 72 Slovak language, 27, 170 graduates, 77 Smeaton, Hunter Dr, 81, 105 linguists, 73 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:01 Page Number: 283 General Index 283 Penzl, 73 Wanamaker, Murray, 71–72, 150 Pike, 73 education, 71 Pulgram, 73 Warkentyne, Henry, 82, 143, 145, 168, Rex Wilson, 273 235 University of Victoria (UVic), xiv, 248, 250, death, 145 252 Survey of Canadian English, 138 Archives, xv, 35, 49, 61, 90, 93, 134, 237 washroom, 123, 192 Avis, 68, 119 Webster bilingual, 150 Second New International Dictionary, 249 Bilingual dictionary, 150, 253 Webster, Noah Centre for Lexicography, 49–50, 108, 145 Avis, 65 Crate, 106 death, 66 DCHP-1 ﬁle, 115 dictionary war, 175 Faculty of Law, 7 household name, 70 Fee, Margery, 168 life, 69 Hall, 106 linguistic autonomy, 69, 242 linguistics, 143, 145 Wees, Wilf, 68, 99–100, 130, 134 Lovell, 65, 68–69, 74–75, 81, 85, 102 Whitney, William Dwight, 179 quotations, 209 Wickenheiser, Hayley, 239 Vinay, 77, 81 Widdowson, H. G. (Henry), 160, upload, 239 227–28 Urdang, Laurence, 181, 252 Wilder, Billy, 88 windscreen (car), 121 vacation pay, 239 windshield (car), 121 Valpy, Michael, 223 Winston Simpliﬁed Dictionary, 174, 251, Van Herk, Gerard, 158, 172–73 261 vang, 238 Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 165, 253 Vi-Co, 238 women Vienna University (Uni Wien), v, xiv role of, 45–46, 49–50 Divjak, 255 Woods, Howard, 166, 169, 253 English Department, 177, 250 Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal, 120 Luick, 73, 159 World Englishes, 137, 141, 163–64, 179, 247, Nazi period, 72 257 OED connection, 84 wreckhouse winds, 186 Pulgram, 72 Wright, Laura, 48 Schendl, 250 Seidlhofer, 249 yod-dropping, 169 Widdowson, 160, 227 Yu, Skylet, 183 5 Vinay, Paul, 155 Zimmer, Ben, 43, 273 W. J. Gage Ltd. 31 See Gage Zipf’s law, 255 Walker, James A., 16, 158, 248, 251, 256, 266, zombie, 101, 104, 187 272 zunga, 240 Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:01 Page Number: 284

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